Atlanta Brings the Critical Minerals Supply Chain Into Focus

Atlanta’s metropolitan area is home to nearly 6.5 million people, and Georgia gives the critical minerals debate a factory floor. The state’s expanding battery and vehicle manufacturing industries, alongside investment in metals recycling, make Atlanta a compelling place to connect mineral developers with the processors and industrial customers their projects need.

I was in Atlanta last week representing the Critical Minerals Institute (CMI), where I serve as Co-Founder and Executive Director, for the Critical Minerals Expo North America. Held October 28–29 at the Cobb Galleria Centre alongside the Battery Recycling Expo and E-Waste World Expo, the gathering brought mineral development, processing technology and materials recovery into the same conversation. For investors, that combination offers a useful way to assess a sector whose strategic importance is easier to establish than its commercial readiness.

On Wednesday, October 28, from 10:45 to 11:25 a.m. ET, I moderated a 40-minute fireside chat with Melissa “Mel” Sanderson, Co-Chair of CMI and a Non-Executive Director of American Rare Earths Limited (ASX: ARR | OTCQX: ARRNF | ADR: AMRRY), and Constantine Karayannopoulos, President of Kloni Inc. and a member of the CMI Board of Directors. The discussion examined the direction of North America’s critical minerals supply chain.

On Thursday, October 29, from 10:20 to 11:05 a.m. ET, I moderated the 45-minute panel “America’s Race for Rare Earths and China’s November Reckoning” with Mark Wall, CEO of American Rare Earths Limited; Noah Lehrman, Chair (North America) of the Minor Metals Trade Association; and Constantine. Both sessions took place in Main Expo Hall A, as listed in the published agenda.

Those two sessions provided the framework for my assessment of the companies present. North America’s supply challenge extends from identifying a mineral resource through permitting, financing, processing and customer qualification. Each stage requires its own evidence, and a credible company should be able to explain precisely where it stands.

Almonty Industries Inc. (NASDAQ: ALM) offers an established producer’s perspective on tungsten supply security. Lewis Black, its Chairman, President and CEO, was listed on the published agenda for a keynote on innovation and human capital. In September, the company announced that its Sangdong processing plant in South Korea had received the certificates required for commercial operation and concentrate sales. That milestone directs attention toward ramping production and delivering tungsten concentrate to industrial customers.

American Tungsten Corp. (TSXV: TUNG | OTCQX: TUNGF), whose CEO Ali Haji appeared on the expo program, deserves particular attention. Its IMA Mine Project in Idaho is a past-producing underground tungsten asset. On October 29, the company reported continued drilling, a new vein discovery and work toward a preliminary economic assessment. The potential to restore a domestic tungsten source gives IMA strategic relevance. The commercial case will depend on the technical studies, economics and development work required to support a possible restart.

American Rare Earths Limited (ASX: ARR | OTCQX: ARRNF), led by Mark, brings the discussion back to Wyoming and the Halleck Creek project, with the Cowboy State Mine planned as its first phase. The company’s presence gave the rare earths panel a direct connection to an American development project. As with other rare earths developers, progress must be assessed across the processing route, permitting, financing and eventual delivery of material that meets customer specifications.

Georgia itself supplied an important industrial example. Aurubis AG (Xetra: NDA), represented on the program by Aurubis Richmond LLC President and Managing Director David Schultheis, has invested approximately $800 million in its multimetal recycling facility in Augusta. Designed to process about 180,000 tonnes of complex recycling materials annually, the plant demonstrates the scale of capital required to expand regional processing capacity. Its extended ramp-up also illustrates why investors need to distinguish installed capacity from sustained operating performance.

The Chemours Company (NYSE: CC) offers another route through existing operations. Its announced alliance with Energy Fuels Inc. (NYSE American: UUUU | TSX: EFR | ASX: EF2) seeks to combine the company’s heavy mineral sands capabilities in Florida and Georgia with downstream processing to create a domestic supply chain for rare earths, titanium and zirconium. Recovering additional value from established mineral streams can broaden the supply response, provided the partners can connect recovery, processing and end markets economically.

The equipment and technology companies were equally relevant. Metso Corporation (Nasdaq Helsinki: METSO) supplies mineral processing systems and technology for recovering battery metals from black mass. MAIRE S.p.A. (Euronext Milan: MAIRE), through Nextchem S.p.A., is expanding its metals recovery capabilities, including an October agreement to acquire MEAB AB in Sweden and MEAB GmbH in Germany. These companies direct attention toward the processing expertise required to turn varied feedstocks into consistent products. Separation and recovery technology will determine how much useful material emerges from both mines and recycling plants.

American Battery Technology Company (NASDAQ: ABAT), led by Ryan Melsert, connects that processing theme to commercial battery recycling near Reno, Nevada. On October 1, the company announced an export license permitting sales of up to $100 million of recycled black mass under specified terms. Black mass is an intermediate containing recoverable battery materials that require further refining. Its development therefore points to the importance of building dependable relationships between recyclers and downstream processors, as well as securing the necessary feedstock.

Privately held Electronic Recyclers International, Inc. and Critical Materials Recycling Inc. also warrant attention. John Shegerian and Daniel Bina, their respective CEOs, appeared on the conference program, bringing electronics recycling and materials recovery into the discussion. Their presence alongside mining and processing businesses reinforced the value of examining discarded electronics as a source of materials, with collection, sorting and recovery forming an industrial chain of their own.

The private developers offered a view of the next potential entrants to public markets. Sio Silica Corporation, whose CEO Feisal Somji spoke at the expo, is pursuing high-purity silica in Manitoba. Its announced offtake agreement must be considered alongside the extraction licensing process. U.S. Critical Materials Corp. is advancing its Sheep Creek rare earths and gallium project in Montana, where an exploration application entered public scoping in October. Fermi Critical Minerals Inc., with Wyoming projects including Blue Rim, outlined a TSX Venture Exchange listing objective for the first quarter of 2027 in its September presentation. These remain development and financing stories, with proposed public-market transactions subject to completion.

A further group of companies supplied the industrial infrastructure around those projects. Linde plc (NASDAQ: LIN) provides industrial gases and engineering; Scantech Limited, an unlisted public company, supplies bulk material measurement systems. Heat-transfer specialist Kelvion Holding GmbH is the subject of an announced acquisition by SLB N.V. (NYSE: SLB), with closing expected in the first half of 2027. AI company Upstage Co., Ltd. adds document processing to the mix. Measurement, heat management, gases and usable information all influence how effectively an industrial operation can be built and run.

My thanks to the UK-based organizers, Trans-World Events Ltd., including Event Director Peter Sarno, Conference Manager Gabriel Day and the wider team, for bringing these connected industries together in Atlanta. I would also like to recognize CMI Member Marcy Kiesman, CEO and Chair of Quantum Critical Metals Corp. (TSXV: LEAP | OTCQB: ATOXF), who helped at the CMI booth. Her support was much appreciated.

For CMI, the value of being in Atlanta was the opportunity to consider these businesses within a connected supply chain. Public companies, private developers, recyclers and technology suppliers each address a different requirement. The next phase of this industry will be judged by the links between them: projects that secure financing, plants that achieve reliable recoveries, and materials that customers can qualify and purchase. That is where strategic ambition becomes industrial capability.




What Australian Strategic Materials Gets Right About Rare Earth Manufacturing

Last Tuesday, October 27, I visited Australian Strategic Materials’ Korean Metals Plant in Ochang, South Korea. I have been involved in the development, production, and marketing of less common metals for more than sixty years, and during that time I have visited a great many metallurgical plants, laboratories, and industrial research facilities around the world. I have also listened to innumerable presentations by promoters of proposed critical minerals projects. I can therefore say, from considerable experience, that the ASM Korean Metals Plant is one of the most impressive examples I have seen of what can be accomplished when metallurgical engineering, industrial management, and a clearly defined commercial objective are brought together.

The first thing that struck me was the operation’s scale and professionalism. The Korean Metals Plant occupies a complex of approximately 20,000 square meters, or nearly five acres, in the Ochang Foreign Investment Zone, about 115 kilometers south of Seoul. I was informed that the operation now employs 78 people. This is not a speculative project, a collection of laboratory apparatus assembled for visiting investors, or an artist’s conception of a future industrial facility. It is an operating metallurgical complex with installed production equipment, technical personnel, quality-control systems, and the infrastructure necessary to manufacture rare earth metals and alloys for demanding industrial customers.

The plant was opened in May 2022 and has since developed the capability to manufacture neodymium and praseodymium metals and neodymium-iron-boron strip-cast alloys. These are essential metallic feedstocks for manufacturing high-performance sintered rare earth permanent magnets. Producing a separated rare earth oxide is not the same as producing a metal, and producing a metal is not the same as producing a magnet alloy with the chemical composition and physical characteristics required by a commercial magnet manufacturer. Each step requires specialized equipment, metallurgical expertise, process control, and customer qualification. ASM has established an operating capability in the stages of this supply chain that remain particularly underdeveloped outside China.

The plant’s currently reported installed nameplate capacity is approximately 1,300 metric tons annually of neodymium-iron-boron alloy. ASM is carrying out a second expansion phase intended to increase this capacity to 3,600 metric tons annually. During the first half of 2026, the company completed the installation of eight additional molten salt reactors, bringing the total to twelve. A second strip caster, with a planned annual capacity of 2,000 metric tons, is also part of the expansion program. The existing installed capacity and the larger planned capacity must not be confused. The latter depends upon completion, commissioning, and successful operation of the additional equipment.

I was particularly impressed by the quality of the plant’s laboratory facilities. The quality-control and research and development operations appeared thoroughly modern, professionally organized, and appropriate to the requirements of an advanced metallurgical manufacturing business. This is a subject investors frequently pay insufficient attention to. In the rare earth industry, producing a metal or alloy is only the beginning of the manufacturing process. Reproducing the required chemical composition, controlling impurities, establishing consistent product characteristics, and demonstrating those characteristics to a customer is what distinguishes a commercially useful operation from an experimental one.

A modern quality-control laboratory is not an accessory to a rare earth metal plant. It is an essential part of the production process. Customers purchasing materials for high-performance permanent magnets cannot accept uncontrolled variations in composition or product characteristics. The value of a rare earth metal or alloy is therefore determined not simply by the presence of the desired elements but by the manufacturer’s ability to deliver a reproducible product that meets a customer’s specifications. The facilities I saw at Ochang gave me confidence that ASM’s management understands this distinction.

Equally impressive was the company’s commitment to research and development. Rare earth metallization is a specialized field in which incremental improvements in process efficiency, yield, impurity control, and equipment utilization can make the difference between an economically competitive producer and one that survives only through subsidies. The ability to investigate and implement such improvements within an operating manufacturing organization is, in my opinion, a significant competitive advantage.

ASM has also been developing the capability to produce the heavy rare earth metals dysprosium and terbium, which are particularly important in the manufacture of permanent magnets intended to operate at elevated temperatures. The company reported its first commercial sales of these metals in 2025 and has continued development of its heavy rare earth metallization equipment. This is an important undertaking because heavy rare earth metal production outside China remains extremely limited. Establishing a reliable, commercially scalable production process for these materials would substantially increase the strategic importance of the Korean Metals Plant.

I should emphasize that my favorable assessment of the facility is not intended to suggest that all of its installed capacity is already being utilized or that every product under development has reached sustained commercial production. ASM’s published operating reports make clear that production volumes are still being increased and that additional equipment is being commissioned. This is the normal progression of a developing industrial operation. What matters is that the company has established the physical, technical, and organizational foundation from which it can expand production in response to actual customer demand.

Perhaps the most encouraging aspect of my visit was the quality of the management professionals whom I met. I found them to be outstanding. They impressed me as technically knowledgeable, commercially realistic, and thoroughly familiar with the practical problems of operating and expanding a sophisticated metallurgical manufacturing facility. Their approach was that of industrial professionals focused on producing qualified materials efficiently and consistently, rather than promoters primarily concerned with how large their future production might become.

In my experience, competent industrial management is as important as the underlying technology. A metallurgical process does not become a successful business simply because it works in a laboratory. It must be engineered into a reliable production system, operated by trained personnel, supplied with appropriate raw materials, maintained economically, and integrated with customers’ purchasing requirements. The management team I met at Ochang appeared to understand these requirements exceptionally well.

This offers a larger lesson for governments and investors trying to establish rare earth industries outside China. Much of the public discussion still focuses on mineral resources, mining projects, and the separation of rare earth oxides. These activities are necessary, but they are not sufficient. The ultimate industrial objective is the manufacture of useful products, and the essential intermediate stages of metal production and alloy manufacturing cannot simply be assumed into existence.

The Korean Metals Plant demonstrates that these intermediate capabilities can be established outside China. It also demonstrates why their development requires much more than access to a mineral deposit. The equipment, laboratories, operating procedures, technical personnel, management, and relationships with industrial customers must all be developed together.

ASM’s Korean operation is particularly relevant to the proposed reconstruction of the American rare earth permanent magnet supply chain. The United States does not need merely to announce additional rare earth metal and alloy production capacity. It needs to establish the ability to manufacture commercially qualified products, at predictable costs, in quantities justified by actual demand. The experience accumulated at Ochang could help establish comparable operations in the United States.

The question of raw material supply remains, of course. The Korean Metals Plant currently depends upon externally sourced rare earth feedstocks. The development of reliable sources of separated rare earth oxides outside China will therefore remain an important factor in the plant’s long-term competitiveness and supply security. But this should not obscure the achievement the plant represents. ASM has already established a significant portion of the downstream manufacturing capability that so many other companies are still proposing to build.

I left the Korean Metals Plant with a very favorable impression of both the facility and the people operating it. The complex is substantial, the laboratories are impressive, the installed manufacturing equipment is real, and the management professionals are among the most capable I have encountered in this industry.

For investors, the lesson is straightforward. Industrial capability should be judged by what has been built, what has been demonstrated, what can be produced reproducibly, and what customers are prepared to purchase. Announced capacity is not production, and production is not necessarily a qualified commercial product.

Australian Strategic Materials has made a substantial investment in establishing genuine rare earth metallurgical manufacturing capability in South Korea. I believe its Korean Metals Plant deserves recognition as an important achievement in developing a rare earth supply chain outside China.

After sixty-four years in this business, I am not easily impressed by industrial promises. I am, however, impressed by competent people operating real manufacturing facilities. That is what I saw at Ochang.




Who Will Buy the Magnets? The Economic Test of America’s Rare Earth Revival

The United States is committing billions of dollars to rebuild a domestic rare earth permanent magnet industry. New mines, chemical separation plants, metal and alloy production facilities, and magnet factories are being announced as components of a national effort to reduce American dependence on China. Yet one question remains insufficiently answered: Who has committed to buying the magnets, in what quantities, at what prices, and for how long? The answer will determine whether America is building a sustainable manufacturing industry or merely financing industrial capacity without a commercially viable market.

The national security justification for rebuilding this supply chain is compelling. China dominates the processing and manufacturing operations that transform rare earth minerals into the permanent magnets used in electric motors, generators, industrial automation, aerospace equipment, and defense systems. The United States needs alternative sources of these essential components. But strategic necessity does not establish commercial viability, and building a factory does not guarantee customers will buy its output at profitable prices.

I have spent more than sixty years observing the development, operation, and occasional disappearance of manufacturing businesses. One principle has remained constant: Manufacturing capacity has economic value only when customers purchase its output at prices sufficient to sustain production and recover invested capital. I have therefore long argued that industrial supply chains should be developed backward from the requirements of the original equipment manufacturer, the OEM. The customer determines the specifications, quantities, delivery schedules, and acceptable prices. Those requirements should determine suppliers’ capacity and structure. Much of the American rare earth revival proceeds in the opposite direction. We begin with mineral deposits, announce processing facilities, and propose magnet factories before establishing the customer commitments necessary to support them. That is not how a competitive manufacturing industry should be built.

Consider the economics of a proposed magnet factory with an annual nameplate capacity of several thousand tons. Its promoters may point to expanding demand for electric vehicles, robotics, wind turbines, and defense equipment. These forecasts show that magnets have a substantial, potentially growing market. They do not show that any particular manufacturer will secure profitable orders. Rare earth permanent magnets are engineered industrial components whose magnetic properties, dimensions, temperature performance, corrosion resistance, and consistency must meet the requirements of specific applications. Customer qualification can be time consuming and expensive. A manufacturer that successfully produces an acceptable sample has not necessarily demonstrated the ability to supply commercial quantities at acceptable yields and costs.

The economics of a factory depend on actual production and sales, not nameplate capacity. A plant operating at 25% of capacity may have unit costs far above those projected for operation at 85%. Labor, equipment maintenance, utilities, financing, environmental compliance, and other fixed costs continue regardless of production volume. Manufacturing yields and scrap rates further affect profitability. Investors must therefore distinguish among installed manufacturing capacity, customer qualified production capacity, and economically sustainable production. These are not interchangeable measures of industrial success.

The financial value of an announced customer relationship also depends on what the customer is actually obligated to do. I would distinguish three levels of commitment. The first is interest without obligation, which includes expressions of interest, letters of intent, memoranda of understanding, and preliminary development discussions. These may establish a potential market, but they do not necessarily require a customer to purchase anything. The second is conditional demand, represented by qualification programs, framework supply agreements, and projected purchasing schedules. These show stronger commercial engagement, but if the customer can reduce or cancel purchases without meaningful financial consequences, the manufacturer still bears most of the market risk. The third is committed revenue, established through binding purchase orders, enforceable minimum volume agreements, take-or-pay contracts, or paid capacity reservations. When properly structured, these can provide the revenue foundation needed to finance and operate a factory.

The distinction is straightforward. An expression of interest is not an order. An agreement to qualify a product is not an obligation to purchase it. A projected sales value is not contracted revenue. Even a binding agreement must be examined for its cancellation provisions, performance conditions, duration, pricing, and the customer’s financial strength. An announced multiyear contract with a potentially large sales value may provide surprisingly little financial security if the customer can reduce its purchases without substantial consequences. Investors should therefore ask how much revenue a customer must provide, rather than how much revenue a company hopes to earn from that customer.

This brings us to the domestic price premium. An American OEM may reasonably prefer domestically manufactured rare earth permanent magnets to reduce exposure to Chinese export controls, geopolitical disruptions, transportation delays, and production interruptions. But that preference has an economic value that must be quantified. The relevant comparison is not simply between the quoted price of an American magnet and that of a Chinese magnet. It is between the total cost and risk of the two supply arrangements.

An imported magnet may have a lower purchase price, but dependence on its supplier may expose the OEM to production shutdowns, emergency procurement costs, additional inventory requirements, and the expense of qualifying alternative sources. These risks have financial consequences, even if they do not appear on the supplier’s invoice. An American magnet manufacturer may therefore justify a price premium. But that premium cannot be arbitrary, nor can it be established simply by calculating how much the manufacturer needs to recover its costs.

I would distinguish three economic justifications for a domestic premium. The first is the value of supply security, including expected interruption costs, inventory protection, supplier qualification, and the operational advantages of a dependable domestic source. The customer must decide how much these benefits are worth. The second is the temporary cost of establishing domestic manufacturing. A new factory may initially have higher unit costs because of low utilization, manufacturing losses, workforce training, and qualification expenses. Customers and governments may reasonably share some of these costs if they want domestic capacity established, but such support should be linked to measurable improvements in productivity and manufacturing efficiency. The third is the cost of maintaining strategic capacity that ordinary commercial demand cannot support. If the government determines that additional magnet manufacturing capacity is essential for national security, it should pay explicitly for that capacity through procurement commitments, capacity reservation agreements, or other transparent mechanisms.

Consider a hypothetical example. Suppose an OEM can purchase qualified imported magnets for $50 per kilogram, while a new American manufacturer initially requires $65 per kilogram to operate economically. The American magnet carries a $15 premium, or 30% above the imported purchase price. That difference does not establish that the American magnet is worth $65 to the customer. If the OEM determines that the measurable benefits of domestic supply are worth $5 per kilogram, then only $5 of the premium is commercially justified on that basis. The producer must eliminate the remaining $10 through improved manufacturing productivity, absorb it, have the customer pay it for additional strategic or transitional benefits, or finance it through an explicit government support arrangement. If none of these is possible, the factory may not be economically sustainable.

The figures are illustrative, but the principle is fundamental. A manufacturer cannot determine a product’s commercial value merely by calculating its production cost. The customer determines what it is willing to pay in relation to available alternatives and the benefits received. A credible domestic pricing arrangement might therefore provide an initial premium that declines as manufacturing efficiency improves, while separately compensating the supplier for maintaining strategically valuable production capacity. This would let the manufacturer build competitive production without removing the incentive to cut costs.

Another consideration is frequently overlooked. A magnet manufactured in the United States from Chinese rare earth metals or alloys may reduce dependence on imported finished magnets while leaving significant upstream vulnerabilities unresolved. The OEM should know precisely which supply risks its domestic premium is intended to reduce. The objective should not be to create an American industry permanently dependent on customers paying excessive prices. The goal should be to build a manufacturing system whose productivity and reliability eventually make it commercially competitive, while recognizing that certain national security capabilities may require continued public support.

Establishing domestic magnet manufacturing requires substantial capital. The company must purchase specialized equipment, train personnel, develop processes, qualify products, and finance working capital. The manufacturer must remain solvent throughout. If an OEM wants an American source available when needed, it must recognize that maintaining that option costs money. Long term minimum volume contracts, take-or-pay provisions, capacity reservation payments, and well-structured pricing agreements can distribute financial risk between the customer and the manufacturer.

An OEM cannot reasonably expect investors to finance a domestic manufacturing capability indefinitely while reserving the unrestricted right to purchase from whichever foreign supplier offers the lowest price. That would be like asking investors to provide an industrial insurance policy whose beneficiary is unwilling to pay. The government faces a related question. Where domestic production is essential for national security but ordinary commercial demand cannot support it, public financing may be justified. But that support should be identified for what it is: purchasing or maintaining strategic industrial capability. Such an expenditure is not inherently wrong. The problem is confusing a government-supported strategic capability with an independently profitable manufacturing business. Governments and financial markets cannot suspend economic reality.

China’s advantage in rare earth permanent magnets is not limited to access to mineral resources. Over decades, China has built an industrial ecosystem spanning chemical separation, metal production, alloy manufacturing, magnet fabrication, specialized equipment, trained personnel, and established customer relationships. American companies must compete with that accumulated manufacturing experience. The magnet manufacturer requires qualified alloys. The alloy producer requires metals of consistent purity and composition. The metal producer requires properly separated rare earth chemical products. Each stage must meet the next stage’s specifications.

These are specialized industrial operations. I have never believed that ownership of every stage, from mine to magnet, automatically creates the most efficient business. Vertical integration may offer advantages in particular circumstances, but it also increases capital requirements and exposes management to several different manufacturing disciplines. A company competent in chemical separation is not necessarily competent in magnet manufacturing. Nor must a successful magnet manufacturer own a mine. The objective should be to create an economically sustainable industrial supply chain, whether one company or several specialized suppliers own its components. What matters is reliably delivering qualified materials at commercially acceptable costs.

Customer concentration creates an additional risk. Consider a hypothetical American magnet factory with an annual capacity of 2,000 tons, most of whose projected output is intended for one major automotive customer. Suppose that customer reduces its electric vehicle production forecasts, changes its motor design, or selects another supplier. The factory’s technology may remain excellent, but its economics could deteriorate rapidly. Replacement customers may require different specifications and lengthy qualification programs. During that period, the manufacturer must continue financing its operations. Even an enforceable contract may lead to arbitration or a financial settlement rather than continuing orders. Compensation for a canceled agreement does not necessarily replace the operating revenue needed to sustain a factory.

Investors must therefore examine customer concentration as carefully as the risk of raw material supply. A company dependent on one major customer may have a substantial order book without possessing a diversified or resilient business. This is especially important in an industry whose products must be qualified for particular customers and applications and cannot necessarily be redirected immediately to another buyer.

I am not a licensed financial advisor. As an industrial analyst, I identify the issues investors should examine before committing capital. For American rare earth permanent magnet projects, I would begin by identifying the actual OEM customers and determining precisely what purchasing obligations they have accepted. I would want to know whether the magnets are commercially qualified, whether the manufacturer has demonstrated repeatable production to the required specifications, and what factory utilization level is needed for profitability. I would examine manufacturing yields, scrap rates, fixed costs, financing requirements, and the finished product’s competitiveness against equivalent qualified imports.

I would also want to know what portion of any domestic price premium reflects measurable supply security benefits, what portion covers temporary manufacturing inefficiencies, and what portion depends on government support. Who has agreed to pay these costs, for how long, and under what conditions? Where will the rare earth metals and alloys originate, and how much of the proposed American supply chain remains dependent on Chinese processing? How much additional capital will it take to commission, qualify, inventory, and cover operating losses before the company achieves positive cash flow? How vulnerable is the business to the loss of its largest customer? Do its engineers and managers have demonstrated commercial manufacturing experience, or is their expertise primarily in mining, finance, and project development? Finally, can the company survive if qualification takes longer than expected, sales volumes disappoint, costs remain high, or government assistance is reduced?

These questions are not meant to discourage investment in American manufacturing. They distinguish credible industrial businesses from projects whose valuations depend primarily on future expectations. A technically excellent factory may still be a poor investment if its customers, costs, and financing cannot support profitable operation.

The United States needs to reduce its dependence on China for rare earth permanent magnets. But reconstructing domestic manufacturing requires more than capital expenditure, government encouragement, and announcements of new production capacity. It requires coordination among OEMs, specialized suppliers, manufacturers, investors, and government agencies, each accepting a realistic share of the costs and risks. Industrial customers must define their requirements and make credible purchasing commitments. Manufacturers must demonstrate that they can consistently and economically produce qualified products. Investors must evaluate these businesses on their commercial merits. Government must decide which additional capabilities national security requires and how it will finance their maintenance.

Measure the success of the American magnet revival not by announced capacity, but by qualified production sold to paying customers at sustainable prices. For investors, the decisive question is whether a manufacturer has a credible, customer supported path to sustained profitability. If a manufacturer cannot demonstrate this, a strategic need does not justify assuming commercial success.

I would conclude with the principle that has guided my analysis of the critical materials industry throughout my career: Follow where value is added. In rare earth permanent magnet manufacturing, value is ultimately realized when a qualified customer purchases a useful industrial component at a price that supports its production. America’s permanent magnet industry will be rebuilt by companies that can meet that test, not merely by companies that can finance factories.




The Rise and Decline of American Productivity

Can a nation that has learned to reward wealth ownership more generously than the creation of industrial productive capacity ever again become the world’s leading manufacturing economy? I believe that this is one of the most important economic questions facing the United States today. It is also a question that cannot be answered simply by examining stock market valuations, technological achievements, or even the growth of gross domestic product. To understand what happened to the American economy, we must first understand what made it so extraordinarily successful in the generation following the Second World War, and then examine how the economic system that produced that success gradually transformed into one that increasingly rewards financial wealth rather than industrial production.

I believe the period between 1945 and the early 1970s saw one of the greatest sustained improvements in the material standard of living for a large national population in modern economic history. This is not simply nostalgia for an earlier America. The economic statistics are remarkable. According to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, real American GDP grew at an average annual rate of 4.0% between 1947 and 1973, while real GDP per capita increased by 2.5% annually. At that rate, real output per person would approximately double in 28 years. The comparison with more recent economic performance is striking. Between 2007 and 2023, real American GDP increased at an average annual rate of only 1.8%, while real GDP per capita increased by 1.2%.

These figures matter not merely because the American economy grew rapidly. The increase in economic output was accompanied by an extraordinary transformation in the material lives of ordinary Americans. Rising real wages, expanding household consumption, widespread automobile ownership, suburban housing construction, household electrification, and greater access to education and healthcare changed the expectations of an entire generation. The United States became not merely the world’s wealthiest nation but the principal architect, financier, and industrial supplier of an unprecedented expansion of global economic activity.

Other nations, notably Japan, South Korea, and later China, experienced even faster growth during specific periods of industrial development. But the American achievement was extraordinary because it occurred in an already large and technologically advanced industrial economy. It was not simply a relatively poor nation rapidly catching up with wealthier competitors. It was the sustained expansion of an economy that already led the industrial world.

The conventional explanation of this achievement often emphasizes the technological revolution that followed the enormous scientific and engineering expenditures of the Second World War. I do not dispute the importance of those developments. Indeed, I began my own industrial career in 1962, when wartime and postwar scientific advances were being commercialized and transforming electronics, materials science, and manufacturing. But I believe technology has received more credit for the American economic miracle than is justified if we fail to consider the industrial and international economic system that made its commercial application possible.

My thesis is that postwar American prosperity rested on American industry’s enormous productive capacity, the availability of capital for industrial investment, and the reconstruction of international trade under American leadership. Technology was essential to productivity, but expanding industrial production and international markets created the economic environment in which technological innovation could translate into rising living standards.

The productivity statistics support this distinction. An analysis by the Congressional Research Service, using Bureau of Labor Statistics data, found that output per labor hour in the American nonfarm business sector increased at an average annual rate of approximately 2.8% between 1947 and 1973. Between 1973 and 1995, the corresponding rate fell to approximately 1.4%. In other words, the rate of labor productivity improvement in the American economy was cut by about half.

This difference is economically enormous. An economy increasing its productivity by 2.8% annually will approximately double its output per labor hour in 25 years. At 1.4%, the same improvement requires approximately 50 years. These differences are not small in statistical terms. They represent fundamentally different rates at which a society can increase its capacity to produce goods and services, raise real incomes, and improve material living standards.

Productivity underpins sustained economic growth because it determines how much economic value an economy can produce from a given combination of labor, capital, energy, natural resources, and technical knowledge. Economists commonly measure labor productivity as output per hour worked, but the underlying concept is much broader. An economy becomes more productive when it learns to produce more useful goods and services with the resources available to it. Improvements in machinery, manufacturing processes, transportation, organization, education, and technical knowledge all contribute to this result. Rising productivity enables higher real wages, greater consumption, more investment, and improvements in the material standard of living.

Productivity growth is not the same as GDP growth, which also reflects changes in employment, population, and hours worked. Nor does an increase in productivity guarantee that its benefits will be distributed equally. Nevertheless, over the long term, sustained productivity growth is indispensable to sustained increases in real income per person. A nation cannot permanently raise its material standard of living simply by increasing the prices of its financial assets or transferring existing wealth from one group to another. Financial transactions may redistribute claims on economic output, but they do not necessarily increase the economy’s capacity to produce that output.

At the end of the Second World War, the United States occupied an economic position unlike any other major industrial nation. Enemy bombing and invasion had not devastated its factories, transportation systems, utilities, or industrial infrastructure. Instead, American manufacturing capacity expanded enormously during the war. The United States possessed an extraordinary combination of industrial machinery, skilled labor, engineering expertise, financial capital, abundant natural resources, and organizational experience. It had learned to manufacture enormous quantities of sophisticated equipment under the most demanding circumstances imaginable.

Meanwhile, much of continental Europe, Japan, and significant portions of Asia had suffered catastrophic destruction. Industrial plants, railways, ports, electrical generating facilities, housing, and commercial institutions had been damaged or destroyed. The Soviet Union had also suffered immense devastation, but the emerging political division between East and West largely excluded it and its sphere of influence from the American-directed reconstruction of the international economy.

The United States was therefore uniquely positioned to finance and supply much of the industrial world’s reconstruction. The Marshall Plan is the best-known example of American postwar assistance, but the broader process included direct financial aid, private investment, international lending, technology transfer, industrial machinery, and access to American markets. The Bretton Woods monetary arrangements, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade established important elements of a new international economic order intended to facilitate investment, stabilize financial relationships, and expand international commerce.

This laid the foundation for modern economic globalization, although the term was not commonly used at the time. The United States was not simply helping its allies and former enemies rebuild their economies. It organized a trading system in which recovering foreign industrial production would create expanding opportunities for American capital, manufacturers, and consumers. The American economy was sufficiently productive and financially powerful to support other nations’ reconstruction while also benefiting from the growth of the international markets that reconstruction created.

The process was mutually reinforcing. American industry supplied machinery, transportation equipment, chemicals, electrical systems, agricultural products, and a wide range of manufactured goods to economies rebuilding their productive capacity. As those economies recovered, they became increasingly able to buy goods, attract investment, and participate in international trade. Their growing industrial capabilities eventually made them competitors of American manufacturers, but they also helped expand the global economy.

I believe the reconstruction of international trade was a fundamental condition that enabled the American postwar economic miracle. However, it was not the only source of American growth. Domestic consumption, suburban housing construction, highway and other infrastructure development, the expansion of higher education, and the diffusion of existing industrial technologies all played major roles. Indeed, the American domestic market was so large that domestic demand accounted for much of the country’s economic expansion. Globalization mattered not simply because Americans exported more goods. Reconstructing international commerce created a larger, more integrated economic system in which investment, specialization, competition, and industrial productivity could increase together.

This distinction is important because the relationship between productivity and international trade is often misunderstood. Trade does not create prosperity merely because goods cross national borders. It contributes to prosperity when it lets productive enterprises expand their markets, obtain materials and equipment more efficiently, specialize in activities where they have competitive advantages, and invest in technologies that improve efficiency. The benefits of trade depend on the participating economies’ productive capabilities and how the resulting gains are distributed. Postwar globalization particularly benefited the United States because America entered that system as the world’s dominant industrial producer.

The role of technology in this transformation deserves careful examination. The Second World War required scientific and engineering research on a scale that would have been difficult to justify under ordinary commercial conditions. Military necessity, rather than an immediate expectation of profit, supported enormous expenditures on radar, electronics, communications, aviation, nuclear physics, materials science, and computing. The resulting technical knowledge became one of the foundations of the technological revolution that followed.

Yet scientific discovery is not the same thing as industrial productivity. The invention of a transistor does not, by itself, create an electronics industry. Discovering a new material does not create the industrial capability to manufacture it in commercial quantities. Designing a computer does not automatically create the factories, components, software, infrastructure, and customers needed to make computing economically transformative. These developments require capital investment, process engineering, manufacturing expertise, trained personnel, reliable suppliers, and markets that can support production.

The great American achievement of the postwar period was therefore not simply creating new technologies. It was the ability to incorporate both new and existing technologies into an extraordinarily productive industrial system. Mechanization, electrification, improved machine tools, standardized components, industrial chemistry, more efficient transportation, and better production organization all increased output per worker. Many of these improvements were evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Their economic importance came from their widespread application throughout the manufacturing economy.

I have spent much of my industrial career observing the difference between a laboratory achievement and a commercially successful manufacturing process. The distinction is fundamental. A process that works once in a laboratory does not necessarily operate continuously in a factory. A product that can be manufactured in small quantities is not necessarily economical to produce at the quantities industrial customers demand. Commercial success requires reproducibility, acceptable quality, adequate throughput, competitive operating costs, and sufficient demand to sustain production. The same principles apply to the productivity of an entire national economy.

The extraordinary expansion of American productivity began to slow in the early 1970s. This marked a genuine change in the economy’s trajectory, although it did not mean American productivity stopped increasing. Productivity growth later recovered in some periods, notably with the spread of information technology in the 1990s and early 2000s. The longer-term problem was not the disappearance of American productivity, but the changing relationship between productivity, industrial investment, employment, and the distribution of economic rewards.

Several developments contributed to this transformation. The recovery of German and Japanese industry created formidable competition for American manufacturers. Rising energy prices, inflation, shifts in international monetary arrangements, and growing competition from newly industrializing economies further pressured American businesses. The United States could no longer assume that its manufacturers would dominate international markets simply because they possessed the greatest industrial capacity. The economic circumstances that had favored America so overwhelmingly in 1945 were gradually disappearing.

American corporations responded to these pressures in ways that increasingly changed the national economy. Financial performance, shareholder returns, and capital management became increasingly important measures of corporate success. Long-term investment in manufacturing capacity, technical personnel, and industrial infrastructure had to compete with financial strategies that could generate more immediate returns. This financialized corporate culture developed gradually and reflected changes in capital markets, corporate governance, taxation, trade policy, management incentives, and the international organization of production.

There is nothing inherently wrong with financial markets or the pursuit of profitable investment. Capital markets are essential to developing productive enterprises, and investors must be compensated for assuming risk. The problem arises when the financial system rewards asset ownership and manipulation more generously, or more predictably, than it rewards the creation and maintenance of industrial productive capacity. When that happens, the interests of individual corporations and investors may increasingly diverge from the nation’s long-term industrial interests.

The globalization that originally supported American industrial expansion gradually evolved into a system that encouraged companies to relocate manufacturing to lower-cost jurisdictions. American companies found they could retain control of product design, intellectual property, marketing, distribution, and customer relationships while shifting substantial manufacturing to foreign suppliers. This arrangement could improve corporate profitability and lower consumer prices. It could also let American businesses focus on activities where they had considerable competitive advantages.

But what was financially rational for an individual corporation was not necessarily beneficial to the long-term industrial capabilities of the United States. The cumulative consequences of these decisions were far more serious than closing individual factories.

Manufacturing is not simply the final assembly of a product. It is an interconnected system of materials suppliers, equipment manufacturers, process engineers, skilled workers, research institutions, maintenance organizations, transportation networks, and customers. When a substantial portion of production moves abroad, many supporting activities eventually follow. Suppliers relocate to remain close to their customers. Engineers develop their expertise where production actually occurs. Equipment manufacturers focus on the needs of the industries that buy their products. Technical knowledge accumulates through repeated manufacturing experience.

The disappearance of an individual factory may be immediately visible, but the gradual loss of the industrial ecosystem surrounding that factory is much less apparent. Once these capabilities disappear, reconstructing them requires far more than building a replacement facility and installing new machinery. It requires the rebuilding of supplier relationships, technical expertise, manufacturing experience, and customer confidence. These are industrial assets you cannot simply buy on demand.

It is also necessary to distinguish between the decline of manufacturing employment and the decline of manufacturing output. American manufacturing continues to produce enormous economic value, and technological improvements have allowed many industries to increase production with fewer workers. A reduction in manufacturing employment does not necessarily indicate a corresponding reduction in productivity or industrial output. Indeed, producing more with fewer labor hours is a fundamental measure of increased labor productivity.

The more serious question is whether the United States retains the full industrial capacity required to manufacture the products on which its economy and national security depend. An economy may remain highly productive in the industries it continues to operate while becoming increasingly dependent upon foreign suppliers for other essential products and materials. It may retain advanced research institutions, sophisticated design capabilities, and profitable technology companies while losing the ability to manufacture particular classes of machinery, components, chemicals, or materials at competitive scale.

I believe this distinction is too often missing from discussions of American industrial decline. The United States has not stopped being a major manufacturing nation. It has, however, allowed important portions of its industrial supply chains to migrate abroad, often without adequately considering the strategic and economic consequences.

International statistics show the scale of the resulting transformation. According to the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, China’s share of global manufacturing value added increased from approximately 3.0% in 1990 to 31.8% in 2023. By comparison, the United States accounted for about 15.0% of global manufacturing value added in 2023. Japan accounted for 6.6%, Germany for 4.6%, India for 3.2%, and South Korea for 3.0%.

These figures deserve careful consideration. In 1990, China was still a relatively minor participant in global manufacturing by value added. By 2023, it accounted for nearly one-third of the world’s manufacturing output by this measure. Its manufacturing sector was more than twice as large as the American manufacturing sector in the global total. The United States remained the world’s second-largest manufacturer, but the industrial balance had shifted dramatically.

These statistics do not necessarily mean American manufacturing output declined by the same proportion. A nation’s share of world production can decrease even as its own production rises if other countries expand faster. That is precisely why the figures must be interpreted carefully. They show, beyond reasonable dispute, that the center of global manufacturing has shifted toward Asia, particularly China.

China understood something that the American financial establishment increasingly neglected. Industrial manufacturing is not merely one economic activity among many. It underpins national economic power, technological capability, employment, and security. Beginning with the economic reforms of the late 1970s, China systematically expanded its manufacturing capacity, invested in infrastructure, developed technical education, and integrated itself into international markets. Foreign capital, imported technology, and access to Western consumers accelerated this development, but China’s long-term objective was not simply to provide inexpensive labor for foreign corporations. It was to build a comprehensive industrial economy.

The contrast with the United States is striking. While American corporations increasingly evaluated manufacturing in terms of short-term costs and returns on capital, China pursued industrial capability as a national objective. Chinese policy was not always efficient, producing overcapacity, debt, waste, and substantial economic distortions. Nevertheless, China built enormous productive capacity across industries ranging from steel and chemicals to electronics, transportation equipment, batteries, and critical mineral processing. In many of these sectors, the scale of Chinese production and the depth of its supplier networks have become competitive advantages that cannot be reproduced merely by constructing a new factory somewhere else.

More recent manufacturing statistics suggest this divergence has not yet ended. UNIDO’s 2025 report on world manufacturing production recorded annual manufacturing production growth of about 6.8% in China, compared with about 1.0% in the United States. These are annual production growth rates, not productivity growth rates, and a single year’s results should not be mistaken for a permanent trend. Nevertheless, they are consistent with the continued expansion of Chinese industrial production at a substantially faster rate than in the United States.

China’s industrial success was not simply the result of low wages. Low labor costs initially boosted competitiveness, but more enduring advantages came from investment in infrastructure, manufacturing equipment, technical education, supply chains, and accumulated industrial experience. Productivity increased as workers became more skilled, machinery became more efficient, production volumes rose, and suppliers learned to meet increasingly demanding specifications. The Chinese industrial economy developed these capabilities through decades of continuous manufacturing activity.

A key difference exists between becoming wealthy through owning productive assets and becoming wealthy by producing goods and services. Both can contribute to national prosperity, and neither is inherently superior in every circumstance. But a nation that increasingly relies on financial claims on production elsewhere may discover that its wealth does not provide the industrial independence it once assumed. Owning intellectual property does not guarantee control over the factories that manufacture the products embodying that property. Nor does the ability to buy a material on international markets guarantee it will remain available during a political or military crisis.

The critical minerals, metals, and materials industries provide perhaps the clearest illustration of this transformation. China did not establish its dominant position in rare earth processing and permanent magnets simply because it possessed mineral deposits. It invested for decades in chemical separation, refining, metal production, alloying, magnet manufacturing, equipment, and the technical personnel required to operate these processes commercially. It developed the industrial capability to transform mineral resources into qualified materials that manufacturers could purchase in predictable quantities, at competitive prices, and to reproducible specifications.

The United States, meanwhile, increasingly treated mineral extraction as a functioning industrial supply chain. It is not. A mineral deposit has no strategic industrial value until an economically sustainable system can convert its contents into products customers actually need. This requires investment in processing, metallurgy, manufacturing, and customer qualification. It also requires sufficient demand to support those operations over time. The Chinese understood that industrial value is added at every stage of transforming raw material into a finished product. American investors too often focused on the presumed value of raw materials while overlooking the economics of the industrial processes needed to make them useful.

The same problem appears throughout the industrial economy. A country may have abundant mineral resources but lack the processing facilities to turn them into usable materials. It may possess sophisticated engineering expertise but depend upon foreign suppliers for specialized components. It may design advanced electronic products while relying upon manufacturing systems located thousands of miles away. The economic value of an industrial supply chain lies not simply in its individual components but in their ability to function together efficiently and reliably.

This is why I have become increasingly skeptical of the proposition that the United States can restore its former industrial position simply by subsidizing domestic mining, imposing tariffs, or announcing ambitious manufacturing projects. Government assistance may be necessary in industries where strategic considerations justify investment that private capital will not initially support. But financial assistance cannot repeal economic laws. A plant that cannot operate efficiently, maintain consistent product quality, secure qualified customers, and sustain sufficient throughput will not become competitive merely because its construction was subsidized.

The United States can rebuild selected industrial capabilities, particularly where its technological strengths, capital resources, domestic markets, and national security requirements justify sustained investment. No economic law prevents American companies from developing competitive manufacturing processes or establishing new industrial supply chains. But rebuilding an industry is not the same thing as recreating the comprehensive industrial supremacy that America enjoyed after the Second World War. The former is possible under the right economic conditions. The latter would require reversing decades of international industrial development and recreating historical circumstances that no longer exist.

The deeper problem is that the American economy has spent decades developing incentives that reward financial performance without necessarily rewarding the creation or preservation of domestic industrial capability. Reversing this process would require more than a change in trade policy. It would require a fundamental reconsideration of the relationship among capital investment, industrial production, corporate management, and national economic security. It would also require accepting that reconstructing manufacturing ecosystems takes time and that the necessary investments may not generate the immediate returns contemporary financial markets expect.

I do not believe that the United States can simply recreate the economic circumstances of 1945. Those circumstances were unique. America emerged from a devastating global war with an intact, enormously expanded industrial economy, while much of the rest of the industrial world needed reconstruction. No comparable opportunity exists today. China is not a devastated economy waiting to be rebuilt with American capital and equipment. It is an industrial power with capabilities, scale, and supply chains that, in many sectors, exceed those available in the United States. Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and other Asian industrial economies have also developed manufacturing strengths that cannot be dismissed or quickly duplicated.

Nor do I believe the United States’ enormous wealth, by itself, guarantees the restoration of its former industrial leadership. Wealth and productive capacity are related, but they are not identical. A nation may remain financially wealthy because it owns valuable assets, controls important technologies, possesses deep capital markets, and issues a widely accepted international currency. None of these advantages automatically provide the ability to manufacture the machinery, materials, and products a modern industrial economy depends on.

The United States remains a major industrial producer and a world leader in many fields of research, technology, finance, and advanced manufacturing. It would be foolish to suggest that American industry has disappeared or that American economic decline is inevitable. But it would be equally foolish to confuse financial wealth and technological innovation with comprehensive industrial supremacy. The postwar American economy possessed all three. The contemporary American economy increasingly relies upon the first two while importing a growing range of the products and materials that the third once supplied.

My concern is that we are witnessing not merely a change in nations’ relative economic standing but the end of the particular form of globalization the United States created after the Second World War. That system originally expanded under the leadership of the world’s dominant industrial producer. Later, it encouraged transferring productive capacity to economies willing to make manufacturing a central national priority. China became the greatest beneficiary of this transformation, while the United States increasingly became the financier, consumer, and technological designer of goods manufactured elsewhere.

The irony is extraordinary. The globalization that helped create the greatest period of broadly shared American prosperity also provided the framework within which American industry eventually surrendered much of its manufacturing advantage. This outcome was not inevitable. It reflected choices governments, corporations, investors, and consumers made over many decades. But those choices have consequences, and economic history does not offer nations the opportunity to reverse them merely because they have become inconvenient.

I believe that the United States will remain one of the world’s wealthiest and most influential nations for the foreseeable future. I am much less confident that it can recover its former position as the dominant industrial economy. Indeed, I suspect the center of industrial economic power has shifted decisively toward Asia, and the United States may ultimately become the wealthiest of the major non-Asian economies rather than the world’s unquestioned industrial leader.

If that is the future, it will not be because Americans have forgotten how to invent things. It will be because we have allowed ourselves to believe that invention, financial engineering, and intellectual property ownership can permanently substitute for the difficult, expensive, and continuous business of manufacturing.

The lesson of the postwar American economic miracle is not that technology alone creates prosperity, nor that international trade inevitably benefits every nation equally. It is that productivity, supported by capital investment, industrial capability, and access to expanding markets, is the foundation of sustained economic growth. Technology boosts productivity, but an industrial system must apply it by converting knowledge into goods and services.

A nation cannot indefinitely consume the products of an industrial civilization while neglecting the industrial capabilities that civilization depends on.

The United States once understood this better than any other nation. China understands it today.

The question is whether America can relearn that lesson before the remaining opportunities to rebuild its industrial economy disappear.




Critical Minerals Report (10.25.2026): Billions of Dollars Fuel the Race to Control Technology Metals

General Motors Company (NYSE: GM) issued a termination notice on July 1 for its long-term magnet supply agreement with e-VAC Magnetics LLC. The supplier initiated arbitration on July 7, and Reuters reported the dispute on October 22.

Energy Fuels Inc. (NYSE American: UUUU | TSX: EFR), which has agreed to acquire the magnet business, had already disclosed the termination notice and arbitration in an October 13 securities filing. The filing also detailed an amended acquisition agreement addressing the dispute and allowing for potential purchase-price adjustments. The supplier contests the termination, and the acquisition remains pending.

Customers are also engineering around the problem. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited (TWSE: 2330 | NYSE: TSM) has surveyed suppliers about rare-earth-free motors for factory automation. The talks are preliminary, nothing has been deployed, and TSMC declined to comment. The message to producers is still clear: when access becomes unreliable, engineers design you out. Or, as Jack Lifton puts it at the end of every column he currently writes on InvestorNews.com, “Follow where value is added.”

The squeeze is element by element

Japanese officials and executives fear yttrium shortages within months unless supply improves or alternatives are found. Yttrium goes into heat-resistant engine components and semiconductor equipment. Meanwhile, China’s September rare earth exports rose 6.7% year over year to 4,269.8 tonnes. Don’t be fooled by the aggregate, as Dr. Mark Andrich of CriticalMineralsPlatform.com always says. A bigger total tells you nothing about a specific element, grade or destination.

Diplomacy is offering managed relief, not free flow. On October 15, China’s Ministry of Commerce said it was ready to keep facilitating rare earth export licences for the EU in exchange for reciprocity on Chinese dual-use cases. That is controlled trade. Watch the calendar, too. Back in September, the broader Kuala Lumpur arrangements were extended to January 10, 2027. That is not a new October fix for element-specific licensing.

Building the chain, not just the mine

Europe got more concrete on October 19. Neo Performance Materials Inc. (TSX: NEO | OTCQX: NOPMF) was invited to prepare an Innovation Fund grant agreement for up to €126 million toward its roughly €400 million Project GAUSS in Estonia. The project links separation, metallization and magnet manufacturing, lifting magnet capacity from 2,000 to about 5,000 tonnes a year. The final investment decision and grant agreement are still outstanding, with signature due by March 23, 2027. This is the right model because mines alone don’t make magnets. And speaking of innovation, I have a phone call with Douglas Morrison from the Centre for Excellence and Mining Innovation at 2 p.m. as he prepares to join the CMI Board.

In the U.S., Phoenix Tailings, Inc. announced plans on October 20 for a US$375 million separation facility in Rochester, New York. At full operation, it would process about 18,000 tons of rare earth material a year, supporting roughly 3,000 tons of metals downstream. Some operations are targeted for 2027 and full production for 2028. New York offered up to US$3 million in tax credits, and a previously announced US$500 million federal loan commitment remains conditional. It’s a big plan. Now show me financing, commissioning and saleable product.

Arafura Rare Earths Limited (ASX: ARU) announced a binding five-year offtake agreement on October 12 that ramps to 850 tonnes of NdPr oxide a year at nameplate capacity, up from 500 tonnes in its May term sheet. The unnamed buyer is a trader involved in the U.S. Project Vault initiative, and pricing is tied to a global seaborne index. Customary conditions apply.

Southeast Asia is warming up slowly. The EU and Vietnam agreed on October 22 to work toward critical raw materials cooperation, with no financing or supply deal attached. Malaysia approved one raw rare earth export application for R&D under its revised framework. It didn’t name the applicant or confirm a shipment, and it explicitly tied overseas testing to domestic investment.

In Australia, Resources Minister Madeleine King said on October 14 that nationalisation is an option for Northern Minerals Limited (ASX: NTU), though no decision has been made. China-linked investors have failed to comply with divestment orders, and the ownership uncertainty is delaying Browns Range.

Follow the money, carefully

Big numbers are everywhere. Read the fine print.

Restarts, roads and hedges

Magna Mining Inc. (TSX: NICU | OTCQX: MGMNF | FSE: 8YD) released its Crean Hill prefeasibility study on October 20 and announced board approval to start construction in 2027. First ore sales are targeted for late 2027 and commercial production for early 2030. Initial capital is C$127 million. The lower C$72.4 million funding requirement assumes refundable tax credits and pre-commercial cash flow. Payable production of 35.5 million pounds a year is stated in copper equivalent, a reminder that nickel and precious metals contribute significantly to the economics of copper projects.

Canada and Ontario unveiled a C$8.7 billion industrial plan on October 21. It includes C$5.22 billion for steel over five years and C$2.5 billion for automotive projects over two. Ottawa will also match Ontario’s investment of up to C$1 billion over three years for Ring of Fire roads. Permitting and meaningful First Nations engagement remain central, and a road is not a mine.

On October 19, CME Group Inc. (NASDAQ: CME) announced plans for tungsten futures by early 2027, pending regulatory review. The contracts will be cash-settled against an APT price assessment for Rotterdam and Baltimore. Better price visibility and hedging would help, but a futures contract won’t deliver physical tungsten during an export cutoff. CMI members understand this.

Buyers stepping upstream

On October 20, Micron Technology, Inc. (NASDAQ: MU) announced strategic funding for The Indium Corporation of America. The money will expand refining and manufacturing in Rome, New York, alongside a planned long-term supply agreement. The amount, capacity and specific minerals weren’t disclosed, though Indium’s portfolio spans indium, gallium and germanium.

Further upstream, Volta Metals Ltd. (CSE: VLTA | OTCQB: VOLMF | FSE: D0W) expanded its indicated resource at Springer on October 19 and published its first gallium estimate. We have an interview planned for Kerem Usenmez with Jack Lifton when he returns from Seoul at the end of this week.

On uranium, Kairos Power LLC has lined up US$643 million for its Tennessee demonstration project: US$368 million of private money and US$275 million of Energy Department financing, some of it previously announced. Separately, the American Bureau of Shipping and the DOE signed an October 12 memorandum on maritime nuclear concepts. Both point to future demand, but neither is an immediate fuel purchase.

Bottom line

This last month has brought real momentum: new grants, binding offtakes and fresh capital for processing in North America, Europe and Australia. The next step is turning that momentum into construction, deliveries and long-term customer relationships. That’s exactly the conversation I’ll be having in Atlanta this week, including on Thursday’s panel about China’s November reckoning.

See you in Atlanta

I’m off to Atlanta this Wednesday and Thursday for Critical Minerals Expo North America. The free two-day trade show and conference is co-located with Battery Recycling Expo North America and E-Waste World Expo North America, with 150+ exhibitors and 60+ expert speakers expected.

CMI Co-Chair Melissa Sanderson and Director Constantine Karayannopoulos are joining me, and I’m moderating two sessions:

  • Wednesday, October 28: A fireside chat on the outlook for North America’s critical minerals supply chain, with Melissa Sanderson and Constantine Karayannopoulos.
  • Thursday, October 29: “America’s Race for Rare Earths and China’s November Reckoning,” with Mark Wall, President & CEO of American Rare Earths Limited (ASX: ARR | OTCQX: ARRNF | ADR: AMRRY); Noah Lehrman, North America Chair of the Minor Metals Trade Association; and Constantine Karayannopoulos. 

If you’re attending, stop by the CMI Booth #518 and say hello. Admission is free.

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InvestorNews.com Media Updates:

InvestorNews.com (YouTube) Interview Updates:

InvestorNews.com News Release Updates:

  • October 23, 2026 – Argentina Metals Announces Insider-Led Private Placement for up to $3 Million CAD https://bit.ly/4zSfU3Z
  • October 23, 2026 – Antimony Resources Corp. (ATMY) (ATMYF) (K8J0) Announces Closing of Financing https://bit.ly/4ia4oJP
  • October 22, 2026 – Spartan Metals Expands Victorio Tungsten-Molybdenum Resource with Measured and Indicated Grades of 0.25% MoEq or 0.15% WO3Eq https://bit.ly/4skGuQv
  • October 21, 2026 – Rackla Metals to Present at Kinvestor Day 2026 Virtual Investor Conference https://bit.ly/4hY0Co6
  • October 21, 2026 – Scandium Canada Completes Record 10,018-Metre Drilling Campaign at Crater Lake, Overdelivering on Every Objective Set for 2026 https://bit.ly/4z2JcNi
  • October 21, 2026 – Media Advisory – Neo Performance Materials Inc. Third Quarter 2026 Earnings Release & Conference Call https://bit.ly/3U58N96
  • October 20, 2026 – Fox Tungsten Mobilizes Fourth Drill Rig to Advance Exploration at Silverboss Property https://bit.ly/4z1LAE3
  • October 19, 2026 – Neo’s European Integrated Magnet Project Selected for €126 Million Grant Under EU Innovation Fund https://bit.ly/4zG1Gmm
  • October 19, 2026 – Renforth Intersects Broad Nickel-Cobalt and Zinc-Copper-Silver Mineralization in Victoria Undercut Drilling, Including 118.0 M of 0.081% NI and 10.9 M of 0.544% Zn https://bit.ly/4idvb89
  • October 19, 2026 – Greenland Mines Shares Begin Trading on Xetra in Germany https://bit.ly/4k51Gb1
  • October 19, 2026 – Deep Sea Minerals Corp. Highlights U.S. Treasury Recognition of Deep Sea Mining in Critical Minerals Policy and Provides Corporate Update https://bit.ly/4islhkd
  • October 19, 2026 – Volta More than Doubles Springer Indicated Resource to 122.4 Mt, Ranks Among North America’s Five Largest Rare Earth Deposits by M&I Tonnage*, and Delivers First Gallium Estimate https://bit.ly/4hSX2M3
  • October 19, 2026 – Arlington Innovation Partners Appoints Jack Lifton to Its Advisory Board https://bit.ly/4i67aQd
  • October 19, 2026 – Renforth Successfully Intersects Gold in Both Drillholes Undercutting Surface Gold Results within the 2025 MRE Pit Shell at Wholly Owned Parbec Gold Deposit in Malartic, Quebec https://bit.ly/4yTjN8v
  • October 16, 2026 – Antimony Resources Corp. (ATMY) (ATMYF) (K8J0) Announces Closing of Order Book for Financing https://bit.ly/4dGOs0s
  • October 16, 2026 – Grid Announces Adoption of Advance Notice By-Law and Provides Shareholder Meeting Update https://bit.ly/4sdQzih
  • October 15, 2026 – Antimony Resources Corp. (ATMY) (ATMYF) (K8J0) Announces Financing https://bit.ly/4ypH4Oi
  • October 14, 2026 – Antimony Resources Corp. (ATMY) (ATMYF) (K8J0) Reports More Massive Antimony-Bearing Stibnite (“Sb”) of 21.45% Antimony (Sb) over 1.10 Meters (m) and 15.0% Sb over 0.8 m in a Mineralized Zone of 4.36% Sb over 13.0 m at the Main Zone https://bit.ly/3UsXg3p
  • October 14, 2026 – Scandium Canada Discovers New Potential Zone East of the TG Deposit: Over 500 Metres of the Same Rock as the Current Resource https://bit.ly/4B5oGga
  • October 14, 2026 – Greenland Mines Applauds President Trump’s Focus on Greenland Mineral Exploration, Reinforcing Its Importance to U.S. and Allied Security https://bit.ly/47iORm4
  • October 14, 2026 – Stakeholder Secures Mineral Claims Through 2032-2040, Strengthening Long Term Presence in Yukon White Gold District https://bit.ly/3TXy592
  • October 13, 2026 – Nord Precious Metals Announces Filing of Ni 43-101 Technical Report for the Gowganda Silver Tailings Project, Ontario with an Updated Mineral Resource Estimate https://bit.ly/4dFZnYd
  • October 13, 2026 – Element One Strengthens Leadership Team to Advance Hydrogen and Critical Minerals Projects https://bit.ly/4hTC26r
  • October 13, 2026 – Almonty to Host Investor Day via Live Webcast on Monday, October 19, 2026 https://bit.ly/47cAFem
  • October 13, 2026 – High-Grade Tungsten Mineralization Confirmed at Rackla Metals’ Lentung https://bit.ly/3W7yNRH
  • October 12, 2026 – Date of Annual General Meeting and Closing Date for Director Nominations https://bit.ly/4rWDrxG
  • October 9, 2026 – Greenland Mines President Invited to Join Global Business and Policy Leaders at 2026 Arctic Circle Assembly and Mining Roundtable https://bit.ly/4zpgXYQ
  • October 8, 2026 – Silver Bullet Mines Corp. Provides Significant Gold Assay Results from Columbia / Gold Queen Complex Including 41.1 G/T Au (1.2 Oz) https://bit.ly/4ehWb55
  • October 8, 2026 – Defense Metals Resource Upgrade Drilling Intersects 2.33% TREO over 153 Metres at the Wicheeda Rare Earth Project https://bit.ly/3WfjyGj
  • October 8, 2026 – Grid Metals Provides Project Update at Its Falcon West Cesium Project; Grants Incentive Options https://bit.ly/3VE16aa
  • October 8, 2026 – AR3 receives A$1 Million R&D tax incentive refund https://bit.ly/4jawgzR
  • October 7, 2026 – Scandium Canada Finds More Scandium Outside Current Crater Lake Resource: First Hole to the North of TG Deposit Intercepts 150.1 m at 292 ppm Scandium Oxide https://bit.ly/4jcr52f
  • October 7, 2026 – Nord Precious Metals Closes Non-Brokered Critical Mineral Flow-Through Share Private Placement https://bit.ly/4jJAlem
  • October 7, 2026 – Fox Tungsten Reports Initial Assay Results from 2026 Drill Program, Including High-Grade Intervals at RC South https://bit.ly/3Wd3CEv
  • October 6, 2026 – Silver Bullet Mines Corp. Provides Exciting Update on Columbia / Gold Queen Complex https://bit.ly/4hPhyMj
  • October 6, 2026 – Volta Completes 2026 Drill Program with Wide Rare Earth and Gallium Intervals Across the Springer Rare Earth-Gallium Deposit and Identifies Niobium as a Potential Additional Critical Metal https://bit.ly/4hxVuXx
  • October 5, 2026 – Appia Rare Earths & Uranium Corp. To Present at The John Tumazos Very Independent Research Virtual Conference on October 6, 2026 https://bit.ly/4rMtQcO
  • October 5, 2026 – Antimony Resources Corp. (ATMY) (ATMYF) (K8J0) Announces Closing of $5,000,000 Flow-Thru Financing https://bit.ly/3Ub0ZT9
  • October 5, 2026 – Greenland Mines Doubles AnorTech Stake to 19.9%; Extends Critical-Minerals Platform to Smelter-Grade Alumina, Lunar Construction Materials https://bit.ly/4hwXMWV
  • October 5, 2026 – Oreterra CEO Letter to Shareholders Provides Forward Guidance on Trek South Drill Results in Advance of Assays https://bit.ly/3VxoAh8
  • October 5, 2026 – Renforth Intersects Broad Nickel-Cobalt and Zinc-Copper-Silver Mineralization in Victoria Undercut Drilling, Including 118.0 M of 0.081% Ni and 10.9 M of 0.544% Zn https://bit.ly/4j5f5jc
  • October 5, 2026 – American Tungsten Files the IMA Technical Report https://bit.ly/4iZYBsv
  • October 5, 2026 – Power Metallic Commences Preliminary Economic Assessment of the Nisk Project https://bit.ly/4rMPI7K

About the Critical Minerals Institute (CMI)

The Critical Minerals Institute (CMI) is a global think tank and central hub for the critical minerals ecosystem, connecting companies, capital markets and policymakers. Through its monthly CMI Masterclasses, the Critical Minerals Report (CMR) published every two weeks, the twice-monthly Critical Minerals Report Podcast, bespoke research and board-level advisory services, CMI delivers actionable intelligence spanning exploration finance, supply chains, industrial policy and geopolitics.

CMI tracks 12 leading national and multilateral critical minerals lists and applies a rigorous comparative process to independently select and maintain its proprietary CMI Watchlist of 24 critical minerals. Minerals are evaluated against one another based on strategic importance, supply chain concentration, geopolitical exposure, substitutability and relevance to defense, technology and economic security. Through its strategic partnership with the Critical Minerals Platform (CMP), CMI offers Platinum members access to independent mineral pricing, market forecasts, corporate intelligence and global supply chain data. Critical Minerals Institute (CMI)

CMI also organizes its flagship annual event, CMI Summit 6 — Critical Minerals Diplomacy in a Fragmenting Global Economy. Taking place May 17–18, 2027, at the Fairmont Royal York in Toronto, Canada, the Summit brings together government leaders, institutional investors, policymakers, technical experts and industry executives from around the world to examine supply chain security, industrial policy, geopolitical developments, financing, downstream processing, technological innovation and the commercial realities shaping the global critical minerals economy.

For more information, visit CriticalMineralsInstitute.com.




The Best Defense: Why Wicheeda Matters to Korea

Defense Metals Corp. (TSXV: DEFN | OTCQB: DFMTF) is positioning its Wicheeda project in British Columbia as a potential Canadian source of rare earth materials for Korean industrial supply chains. In an InvestorNews interview with Tracy Hughes, President, CEO and Director Mark Tory outlined the priorities behind his trip to Seoul, including meetings with Hanwha and an appearance before Korean corporations at a British Columbia government event. Tory’s investment case centres on Wicheeda’s metallurgy and its potential to reduce the amount of material requiring downstream chemical processing.

Tory is travelling to the 22nd International Rare Earths Conference, taking place October 27–29, 2026. The visit also provides an opportunity to advance discussions under the non-binding memorandum of understanding announced in May with Hanwha Ocean Co. Ltd. and Hanwha Corporation. That framework covers potential long-term offtake and strategic investment, subject to further due diligence, negotiations and definitive agreements.

Hanwha’s interest also reflects the Korean group’s ambitions in Canada’s naval and maritime sectors. The May announcement described a potential partnership aimed at securing the critical materials needed for those capabilities. For a Korean industrial group, that places a Canadian rare earth project within a wider strategy for its manufacturing supply chains.

Tory said Hanwha is reviewing Defense Metals’ data room as the parties explore potential investment, offtake and technical support. He indicated that any agreement would likely come in 2027.

At Wicheeda, Tory identified bastnaesite and monazite among the rare earth minerals supporting the project’s processing case. He described the ability to upgrade material grading approximately 2.4% total rare earth oxides, or TREO, into a concentrate grading about 50% through crushing, grinding and flotation. “It all revolves around the metallurgy and the ability for us to upgrade from that 2.4% TREO in the ground to a 50% concentrate grade,” he said.

The commercial significance, in Tory’s assessment, is the effect on the hydrometallurgical plant, where the concentrate undergoes chemical processing. A higher concentrate grade means less material needs to pass through that stage for a given rare earth output, potentially reducing plant size and costs. He described the intended advantage as “lower capex, lower opex to get the same output.” For prospective Korean partners, those costs are central to assessing Wicheeda as a potential long-term supplier.

The company’s May 2026 SGS pilot program announcement set an approximately 50% TREO concentrate target using material representative of different periods in the mine plan. That concentrate was intended to feed downstream hydrometallurgical pilot testing and support future engineering studies. Tory said restarting hydrometallurgical pilot work at SGS is among the company’s near-term priorities, providing further evidence for the process design ahead of full feasibility.

Resource modelling is another workstream. The October 8 drilling results included 2.33% TREO over a drilled interval of 153.2 metres in hole WI26-104, while six of seven western pit wall holes exceeded predicted grades, averaging 24% higher. Across all 19 inferred resource upgrade holes, however, assays averaged 87% of predicted grades in the inferred resource block model. Defense Metals is updating its models to assess the implications, with any resulting changes to resources, reserves or mine life still to be established.

Following the filing of its pre-feasibility study in April 2025, Defense Metals is targeting a start in early 2027 for the full feasibility study, Tory said. Discussions with Hatch and SRK point to an estimated 15- to 18-month study period. That makes the upcoming pilot work and resource modelling relevant to the engineering decisions that will shape the next stage.

On permitting, Tory described continuing environmental baseline studies, communication with provincial and federal governments, and engagement with local communities. He said feedback has been positive and emphasized the importance of identifying and addressing concerns as they arise. Those activities remain part of the project’s development and approval process.

For shareholders, Tory’s immediate priorities are progress on strategic partnerships, the next hydrometallurgical pilot campaign and the start of full feasibility. “So it’s going to be a pretty busy three or four months,” he said. For prospective Korean partners, those milestones will help establish whether Wicheeda can become a dependable, commercially competitive source of rare earth materials. That is the opportunity Tory is taking to Seoul, with the next stage focused on turning technical progress and industrial interest into a viable supply relationship.

To access the complete interview, click here

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Rare Earth Metal and Alloy Capability Outside of China in October 2026

In my September 21 article, I reviewed the state of rare earth metal and alloy production outside China, distinguishing between companies that can manufacture these materials and those that have only announced plans to do so. I have since identified two additional operations that deserve consideration for inclusion in that inventory. One is in Vietnam and the other in India. Both are important, but for different reasons, and neither should be mistaken for an established, large scale commercial producer without further qualification.

The first is SRE Vietnam, a wholly owned subsidiary of Japan’s Tokai Trading Co., Ltd. In July 2026, Evolution Metals & Technologies Corp. (Nasdaq: EMAT) announced it had received an initial shipment of five metric tonnes of neodymium-praseodymium metal from SRE Vietnam via Japan’s Senri Trading. The material was reportedly destined for subsequent alloy and magnet manufacturing in South Korea. This matters because it describes an actual delivery of rare earth metal to a customer, not just another announcement of an intention to manufacture metal at some future date.

However, one important qualification remains. The delivery of five tonnes of neodymium-praseodymium metal does not, by itself, establish that SRE Vietnam manufactured that metal from rare earth oxides at its own facility. I have not yet independently verified the company’s metallization process, installed equipment, production capacity, or the material’s full origin. Consequently, I believe SRE Vietnam should be provisionally included in the inventory as an operating supplier of rare earth metal, with its independent metallization capability still requiring confirmation.

I also want to emphasize that SRE Vietnam should not be confused with Shin-Etsu’s activities in Vietnam. These are separate operations and must be evaluated independently. If SRE Vietnam can show an operating metallization facility capable of producing commercial quantities of neodymium-praseodymium metal from oxide feedstock, it will deserve a more definitive place among the relatively few producers outside China. For now, the reported delivery is encouraging evidence of commercial activity, but not yet conclusive evidence of independent, industrial scale metal production.

The second addition is India’s government owned IREL (India) Limited. India’s situation is particularly interesting because it illustrates the difference between having the technical knowledge to produce rare earth metals and having an established commercial industry that can supply them.

IREL has long produced and refined rare earth compounds. Its Rare Earths Division at Aluva, Kerala, produces separated, high-purity rare earth oxides. This is an important industrial capability, but oxide production is not metal production. I have repeatedly emphasized this distinction because too many discussions of rare earth supply chains assume that producing a separated oxide somehow completes the process of making a useful industrial material. It does not.

More relevant to this discussion is IREL’s establishment of rare earth metal demonstration facilities at its Rare Earth and Titanium Theme Park in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. In January 2026, the Indian government reported that IREL had established mini-plants to produce lanthanum, cerium, and neodymium metals. In addition, research and development conducted by the Bhabha Atomic Research Center has demonstrated kilogram-scale metallothermic reduction of neodymium-praseodymium compounds and small-batch production of samarium metal.

These developments matter because they show India is moving beyond purely academic research toward practical demonstrations of indigenous rare earth metallization technologies. They do not, however, establish that India has created a commercially competitive rare earth metal industry.

I would therefore classify IREL as a pilot-scale and demonstration-stage producer of rare earth metals. I would not include its oxide-refining capacity, its proposed magnet-manufacturing capacity, or the nominal capacity of its demonstration facilities in any calculation of established commercial rare earth metal production outside China. Until we have evidence of sustained throughput, reproducible product quality, competitive production costs, and actual customer qualification, it would be premature to describe these facilities as established sources of commercial supply.

These two additions illustrate a larger problem in evaluating the development of the rare earth supply chain outside China. We have become accustomed to treating announcements of technical achievements, pilot plant construction, and even proposed production capacities as interchangeable with operating industrial facilities. They are not.

Manufacturing rare earth metals is a specialized branch of extractive metallurgy. It requires not only the ability to reduce rare earth compounds to metals but also the ability to control impurities, achieve reproducible composition, manage energy and reagent consumption, and produce material in the physical and chemical forms downstream manufacturers require. When alloys are involved, the specifications become still more demanding. The customer is not buying a scientific achievement. The customer is buying an industrial input that must perform predictably in a manufacturing process.

This is why I continue to insist that the proper measure of progress in establishing rare earth supply chains outside China is not the number of companies announcing projects, nor the number of governments financing demonstration plants. It is the number of operating facilities that can deliver qualified products in commercially meaningful quantities, at prices customers can afford and that allow suppliers to remain in business.

I have spent much of my industrial career observing the distance between a successful laboratory experiment and a sustainable manufacturing operation. Investors, government agencies, and, unfortunately, some entrepreneurs themselves frequently underestimate that distance. Metallurgical feasibility is necessary, but it is not sufficient. The economics of sustained production and the ultimate customer’s qualification requirements determine whether a technology becomes an industry.

The reported shipment from SRE Vietnam and the demonstrated metallization work in India are therefore welcome additions to our understanding of the emerging rare earth industry outside China. They show progress at two different stages of industrial development. They do not yet justify revising the central conclusion of my September analysis.

China’s dominance in rare earth metal and alloy production stems not only from its access to rare earth minerals or its extensive separation capacity. It results from decades of building and operating the industrial infrastructure that converts separated compounds into the materials manufacturers actually purchase. Replicating that infrastructure elsewhere requires much more than capital expenditure. It requires experienced metallurgists, process engineers, trained operating personnel, reliable feedstocks, quality control, customers willing to qualify the products, and, above all, a business model capable of surviving commercial competition.

The number of organizations outside China that have demonstrated some ability to produce rare earth metals is slowly increasing. The number that have demonstrated sustained, economically competitive production of qualified metals and alloys remains very small indeed.

I will continue to update my inventory as additional evidence becomes available. My purpose is not to compile the longest possible list of companies claiming to participate in the rare earth supply chain. It is to identify those upon which an industrial customer can actually depend.

A facility that has produced a kilogram of rare earth metal has demonstrated a process. A facility that can repeatedly deliver qualified tons of that metal at an economically sustainable price has demonstrated an industry.

The future of rare earth supply security outside China depends upon understanding that distinction.




Jack-in-the-Stox: Rubidium, A Critical Metal in Search of a Market.

In his ongoing Jack-in-the-Stox series, Jack Lifton comments on public companies, technologies, capital markets, supply chains and geopolitics. He is not a licensed investment adviser, and his views are provided for informational purposes only. Nothing in this column constitutes investment advice or a recommendation to buy, sell or hold any security.

Rubidium, chemical symbol Rb and atomic number 37, is one of those elements whose importance to modern technology far outweighs its public recognition. It is an alkali metal, chemically related to lithium, sodium, potassium, and cesium. Discovered in 1861 by Robert Bunsen and Gustav Kirchhoff, rubidium is a soft, highly reactive metal with few direct industrial applications in its elemental form. However, its compounds are used in specialized electronics, precision timing devices, scientific instrumentation, and emerging quantum technologies. The United States government classifies rubidium as a critical mineral, but its inclusion on that list raises a question I believe investors should always ask: Does an element’s technological importance necessarily translate into an economically attractive opportunity for production?

Rubidium is not particularly rare in the Earth’s crust. It occurs in a variety of minerals, most commonly substituting for potassium in mica and feldspar. It also occurs in lithium-bearing pegmatites, particularly those containing lepidolite. Rubidium is commercially unusual because it is rarely found in concentrations sufficient to justify mining it as the principal product. Historically, the industry has obtained commercial rubidium largely as a byproduct of processing minerals mined for other elements, particularly lithium and cesium. The distinction between rubidium occurring in a mineral deposit and an economically recoverable rubidium resource is fundamental. The critical minerals industry’s promotional literature also too often overlooks this distinction.

The global market for rubidium is extraordinarily small. The United States Geological Survey has estimated American consumption in end-use products at less than two metric tons annually. Domestic mine production is negligible, and American users depend on imported rubidium-bearing materials and processed products. No large, transparent international commodity market for rubidium exists, unlike those for copper, nickel, or even the major rare earths. Specialty chemical suppliers often set prices for rubidium metal and its high-purity compounds for relatively small quantities. These prices do not necessarily reflect what an industrial producer could receive for commercial quantities. Investors should be especially careful with calculations that multiply a quoted laboratory chemical price by the number of grams theoretically contained in a mineral deposit. Such arithmetic can produce impressive numbers, but it does not replace a market study.

Why, then, is rubidium considered critical? The answer lies in its applications and the concentration of its supply chain, not in how much is consumed. Rubidium is used in atomic frequency standards and precision timing equipment for communications, navigation, and electronic systems that require extremely stable frequency references. Rubidium atoms also matter in research on quantum sensing and quantum computing. These are technologically sophisticated applications, but they do not necessarily require large quantities of material. A device that depends upon a few grams of highly purified rubidium may be critically important to its user without creating a large commodity market. Indeed, the more sophisticated the application, the more likely purity, consistency, and supplier qualification will matter than available tonnage.

This brings me to Quantum Critical Metals Corp. (TSXV: LEAP | OTCQB: ATOXF | FSE: 86A1), a member of the Critical Minerals Institute (CMI), which has been investigating recovering rubidium and other potentially valuable critical elements from mica-bearing mineralization in Quebec. Quantum’s work is particularly interesting because it explores recovering rubidium and gallium from minerals not traditionally exploited as commercial sources of those elements. The company’s NMX East project has undergone metallurgical investigations to determine whether it can economically extract and separate the contained elements. Quantum has reported laboratory results indicating approximately 55% recovery of rubidium into solution and approximately 93% recovery of gallium. It has also engaged the University of British Columbia, working with Professor Emeritus David Dreisinger, to investigate improvements in its hydrometallurgical processing technology.

These results deserve attention, but they must be understood in their proper context. Recovery of a chemical element into solution in a laboratory experiment is not the same as producing a saleable industrial product. A laboratory recovery percentage indicates a chemical process’s potential effectiveness under specific conditions. It does not establish the capital cost of a commercial plant, reagent consumption and cost, the cost of separating the desired element from accompanying impurities, or the price an industrial customer will pay for the finished product. Nor does it establish whether the process can operate continuously and reproducibly on feedstocks whose composition may vary over time. These questions must be answered before laboratory success can translate into commercial production.

Rubidium presents some interesting chemical engineering problems. Its chemical similarity to potassium and cesium complicates separation and purification. A process that dissolves rubidium from a mica concentrate must also contend with the other elements dissolved during leaching. The resulting solution must be treated to separate the desired products and reject impurities, and the final rubidium compound must meet the specifications of its intended customers. The economics of this sequence will depend on mineralogy, extraction efficiency, reagent consumption, recycling, energy requirements, waste management, and the required degree of purification. I would be particularly interested in learning whether Quantum’s proposed process can produce a rubidium compound of commercially acceptable purity without requiring a series of expensive separation and refining operations.

However, another aspect of Quantum’s approach may prove more commercially important than rubidium itself. The company is investigating recovering gallium, and potentially other valuable elements, from the same mineralized material. Gallium has a much more established technological role in semiconductor applications, particularly in gallium arsenide and gallium nitride devices used in communications, power electronics, and other advanced systems. A processing operation that produces several saleable products may have a more attractive economic foundation than one that depends entirely on a single element with a very small market. This possibility deserves serious investigation, but it also introduces additional complexity. Each element must be recovered, separated, purified, and sold. The presence of several critical elements in a mineral deposit does not automatically make the deposit profitable, and the theoretical combined value of those elements cannot be treated as revenue until the company demonstrates that it can produce them economically and sell them into identifiable markets.

Market size matters most for rubidium. If a new producer developed a process capable of producing substantially more rubidium than the current market consumes, it could find itself competing against a demand structure with little ability to absorb additional supply. The price of a specialty chemical is not independent of the quantity offered for sale. In a small market, even a modest increase in production can disproportionately affect prices. This is one reason I believe a serious rubidium development program must begin with an examination of the customers, their product specifications, annual requirements, and the prices they are willing to pay. Only after establishing those facts can you determine the appropriate scale of a processing operation. Building a plant first and searching for customers afterward is not a business strategy that I would recommend.

Quantum Critical Metals therefore offers investors an interesting case study in the distinction between exploration success and the creation of an industrial business. The company has identified mineralization containing elements of technological interest and has begun investigating methods of recovering them. Its next challenge is to demonstrate a reproducible process that can produce qualified products at a cost that allows profitable sales. I would want to see additional metallurgical testing on representative feedstocks, followed by continuous pilot-scale operations that establish recoveries, reagent consumption, product purity, and the overall mass balance. I would also want to see evidence of discussions with prospective industrial customers and, ultimately, qualification testing using actual products from the proposed process. These milestones would tell investors much more about the company’s commercial prospects than additional announcements about rubidium in its mineral deposits.

This offers a broader lesson for the critical minerals industry. Governments can designate elements as critical, and financial markets can assign substantial speculative value to companies that discover them, but neither governments nor financial markets can suspend economic reality. An element becomes commercially important to a producer when a customer needs it in a particular form, purity, quantity, and at a price that lets the producer earn a return on the capital invested. The entire sequence of mining, beneficiation, chemical extraction, separation, refining, and customer qualification must function as an economically sustainable supply chain. A failure at any point in that sequence can render the underlying mineral resource commercially irrelevant.

I believe rubidium is worth watching, not because it is likely to become the next great bulk commodity, but because its specialized applications illustrate the importance of secure supplies of highly purified materials to advanced industrial technologies. Quantum Critical Metals is attempting to determine whether an unconventional mineral source can be converted into a commercially useful supply of rubidium, gallium, and perhaps other critical elements. That is a legitimate industrial objective, but the effort’s success will depend on chemistry, chemical engineering, market development, and economics rather than on designating the contained elements as critical.

For investors, my conclusion is straightforward. Rubidium is technologically important, but its present market is very small. Quantum’s work deserves attention as an attempt to develop a new source of specialty critical materials, particularly if recovering gallium and other products can support the overall economics. The questions that matter are not simply how much rubidium is present or how much can be extracted in a laboratory. They are how much can be produced reproducibly, to what specification, at what cost, and for which customers. Those answers will determine whether Quantum is developing a commercially viable specialty-metals business or merely demonstrating that an interesting collection of chemical elements can be recovered from a mineral deposit.

As I have said many times, follow where value is added. In rubidium, as in so many other critical materials, value will not be established by discovering the element in the ground. It will be established by the ability to transform a mineral occurrence into a qualified industrial product that a customer needs and is willing to purchase at a price that sustains its production.




Ruthenium Prices Double as AI Storage Demand Meets Limited Supply

Ruthenium has more than doubled in price over the past year, bringing a little-known ingredient in data storage into the critical minerals discussion. Critical Minerals Platform (CMP) reports a 109.43% increase to US$1,780.14 per troy ounce as of October 13, 2026. Its assessment covers 99.95% ruthenium on a global free-on-board basis, and CMP currently rates the metal’s physical supply risk as High.

Ruthenium belongs to the platinum group metals, a family that also includes platinum, palladium, rhodium, iridium and osmium. Its established uses include electrical contacts, chip resistors, chemical catalysts and coatings for electrodes used in chlorine production. The Royal Society of Chemistry describes its ability to harden platinum and palladium alloys, helping electrical contacts resist wear. Its industrial value often comes from improving the performance of a much larger product with a relatively small amount of metal.

Its connection to AI begins with the physical construction of hard disk drives. Furuya Metal Co., Ltd. (TSE: 7826), a Japanese supplier of precious metal materials, explains that ruthenium is used in the thin films within recording media and magnetic heads. In conventional perpendicular magnetic recording, a ruthenium underlayer helps orient the magnetic grains, supporting higher storage density and reliability. This gives the metal a specific manufacturing role in the equipment that stores data for cloud computing and AI infrastructure.

The demand connection is real, but the overall market is more complicated than an uninterrupted AI growth story. In its May 2026 outlook, Johnson Matthey forecast that data-centre expansion would lift ruthenium demand in hard disks to a five-year high. It nevertheless expected total ruthenium demand to decline by approximately 6%, because weaker chemical-sector consumption would outweigh that growth. A growing technology application can coexist with a shrinking overall market.

Johnson Matthey’s detailed supply and demand balance projects 977,000 troy ounces of primary supply against demand of 1.193 million ounces in 2026. The resulting deficit is 216,000 ounces, approximately 6.7 tonnes or 18% of projected demand. These are forecasts, and the definitions matter: demand is measured after closed-loop recycling and surplus metal sales, while primary supply represents producers’ sales of primary metal. The balance therefore indicates a requirement to draw on market stocks, rather than establishing that industrial orders will necessarily go unfilled.

The geographic exposure is particularly pronounced. Johnson Matthey estimates that South Africa accounts for more than 85% of global primary ruthenium supply, while the International Platinum Group Metals Association identifies smaller contributions from Zimbabwe and Russia. That concentration leaves buyers dependent on a narrow production base. A discussion of global platinum group metal resources can obscure how heavily this particular metal depends on South Africa.

A more recent assessment shows that price pressure persisted into October. Heraeus Precious Metals reported on October 19 that ruthenium had reached record highs during the previous week. It described annual supply of roughly one million ounces and explained that output depends on the economics of the broader platinum group metal basket. Ruthenium is recovered alongside other metals, so a higher ruthenium price alone cannot quickly produce a corresponding increase in mine supply.

That is the structural problem behind the price move. A mine’s investment case depends on the combined value of its production, its costs and its processing capability. A surge in demand for one relatively small component of that output does not automatically allow the operator to increase ruthenium output independently. As CMP puts it in its October briefing, “demand can change faster than supply,” creating pressure on both prices and sourcing.

For an industrial buyer, the practical issue is whether usable material will arrive in the required form and on the required schedule. Furuya’s description of HDD materials emphasizes purity, composition and control of the thin-film structure as factors in performance and reliability. A tonne of material elsewhere in the supply chain cannot automatically replace a qualified input at a factory. That makes processing capability and established supplier relationships part of the supply question.

“What we’re looking at is the industrial market,” Dr. Mark Andrich, CEO of Critical Minerals Platform, explained in a July 28 InvestorNews interview, discussing CMP’s approach to pricing. His emphasis was on the market experienced by producers and industrial buyers. For ruthenium, that is a useful way to read a price assessment: the material specification, delivery terms and date belong alongside the headline number.

CMP’s published methodology describes reference prices developed from information supplied by producers, refiners and industrial consumers, with actual traded volumes included where available. Its US$1,780.14 assessment is consequently a defined reference point, rather than a claim that every buyer paid exactly that amount. Comparing it with another supplier’s quotation requires comparable specifications, timing and delivery terms. Consistency in those terms is essential when measuring how much prices have changed.

Recycling offers one practical response to supply constraints, and it is already an industrial business. Furuya says its Tsuchiura plant has annual ruthenium refining and recycling capacity of 25 to 30 tonnes. The company also describes recovering ruthenium and iridium from spent products and refining them to 99.999% purity. Those figures demonstrate processing capability, but capacity is not the same as actual annual recovery or additional metal available to the market.

The ownership of recovered metal matters as well. The IPA’s ruthenium factsheet explains that much recycling takes place in closed loops, with the original owner retaining the material, while recovering tiny quantities dispersed through finished products is more difficult economically. Such recovery can reduce a customer’s need to buy new metal without creating an equivalent quantity for sale to unrelated buyers. It helps explain why a sophisticated recycling industry can coexist with a tight primary supply balance.

Technology also creates a significant qualification to the AI demand thesis. The same IPA factsheet says heat-assisted magnetic recording, known as HAMR, uses much less ruthenium than established hard-drive technology. Higher storage capacity therefore does not automatically translate into proportionately greater ruthenium consumption. The mix of recording technologies and the quantity of metal required per unit of storage will also shape demand as stored data grows.

That transition is already commercial. Seagate Technology Holdings plc (NASDAQ: STX) announced in March that its Mozaic 4+ HAMR platform, supporting drives of up to 44 terabytes, was qualified and in production with two leading hyperscale cloud providers. The announcement establishes that new recording technology is reaching major customers, although it does not quantify ruthenium consumption. For the metal’s market, the important question is how quickly growing storage requirements and lower material use per unit offset one another.

At the same time, advanced semiconductor manufacturing is opening another possible source of demand. In July, Lam Research Corporation (NASDAQ: LRCX) described collaborative research demonstrating ruthenium wiring lines just 10 nanometres wide. The work illustrates why the metal is being investigated as chip dimensions shrink. It is a technical milestone, however, and does not establish widespread commercial adoption or a measurable new annual market for ruthenium.

Furuya’s own discussion of ruthenium wiring makes that distinction clear. The company has developed and shipped materials for the application, while identifying continuing challenges in processing, cost and mass production. Investors should therefore keep emerging chip applications separate from the established consumption that supports today’s market. The opportunity depends on successful manufacturing adoption, with customers deciding whether the performance benefits justify the expense.

Producer results show how a small metal can become more valuable without dominating the company that sells it. Sibanye Stillwater Limited (JSE: SSW | NYSE: SBSW) reported ruthenium revenue of R1.940 billion for the first half of 2026, compared with R848 million a year earlier. That is an increase of approximately 129%, calculated from its reported figures, but still only about 2.2% of group revenue. An investment in the producer therefore carries exposure to a much broader business than the ruthenium price alone.

For capital markets, the useful questions follow from these differences. How much of a company’s revenue actually comes from ruthenium, and how much can it recover economically from the material it already handles? Does a processor have access to suitable feedstock and customers able to qualify its products? A rising reference price can improve an opportunity, but the financial result depends on recoverable volumes, costs and the terms under which the metal is sold.

Ruthenium’s price surge deserves attention because it exposes how sensitive a small industrial market can become when new demand meets inflexible supply. Its next phase will depend on chemical-sector consumption, changes in storage technology and the recovery of usable metal. AI can increase ruthenium’s importance while engineers simultaneously work to use less of it. That tension makes this a market worth following closely, with equal attention to the manufacturers using the metal and the producers supplying it.

Top 5 Ruthenium Mining Stocks by Market Capitalization

For investors following ruthenium’s price rise, listed mining companies that produce and sell the metal provide a starting point for assessing equity exposure. The five largest companies in this mining-producer ranking are presented in descending order of approximate market capitalization, using October 20, 2026 closing data and expressing all values in US dollars. These valuations cover each company’s entire business, with ruthenium contributing alongside other metals.

  1. PJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel (MOEX: GMKN), known as Nornickel, ranks first with a calculated market capitalization of approximately US$21.6 billion, based on its October 20 Moscow closing price, published share count and the exchange rate for that date. The Russian mining and metals group’s commercial product catalogue includes several grades of ruthenium powder. Its position in the ranking reflects the scale of a broader business that also produces nickel, copper and other precious metals.
  2. Valterra Platinum Limited (JSE: VAL | LSE: VALT) ranks second with a market capitalization of approximately US$19.6 billion. Formerly Anglo American Platinum, the company became an independent listed business following its 2025 demerger from Anglo American. Its operations span mining in South Africa and Zimbabwe, processing, refining and international sales, with ruthenium included among the metals it produces and markets.
  3. Impala Platinum Holdings Limited (JSE: IMP | OTC: IMPUY), known as Implats, holds third place with a market capitalization of approximately US$10.2 billion. Its mining and refining businesses provide exposure to ruthenium through an established platinum-group metals production base. The company’s reported six-metal basket explicitly includes ruthenium alongside platinum, palladium, rhodium, iridium and gold, demonstrating why investors need to assess the wider metals mix when evaluating its earnings.
  4. Sibanye Stillwater Limited (JSE: SSW | NYSE: SBSW) ranks fourth with a market capitalization of approximately US$7.0 billion. Its South African PGM business provides direct ruthenium exposure within a group that also produces gold and operates precious metals recycling businesses. The company’s separate disclosure of ruthenium revenue allows investors to track the metal’s financial contribution within that diversified portfolio.
  5. Northam Platinum Holdings Limited (JSE: NPH) completes the top five with a market capitalization of approximately US$5.8 billion. Its audited financial statements disclose ruthenium revenue of R2.54 billion for the year ended June 30, 2026, compared with R1.15 billion a year earlier. Ruthenium accounted for approximately 4.7% of Northam’s group revenue during the year, calculated from those statements, illustrating how the metal can make a measurable contribution within a broader mining business.

For more information on Ruthenium, the prices and associated supply chain data, go to CriticalMineralsPlatform.com.




Artificial Intelligence, Critical Minerals, and the Financial Abandonment of American Manufacturing

Why can American financial markets mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars annually for artificial intelligence, a technology whose ultimate profitability remains uncertain, while struggling to finance the reconstruction of industrial capabilities whose necessity is already clear?

I believe that this question goes to the heart of America’s critical minerals crisis. It also exposes a fundamental weakness in the financial system that has come to dominate American industrial policy, corporate management, and capital allocation.

Wall Street has discovered artificial intelligence, and the capital being committed to its development is extraordinary. Reuters reported on October 7, 2026, that the world’s largest technology companies’ combined capital spending plans had risen to more than $730 billion for the year. In June, Morgan Stanley projected that global AI-related debt issuance could approach $570 billion in 2026. These figures measure different aspects of financing and spending, so you can’t add them together, but they illustrate the extraordinary scale of the financial commitment to developing artificial intelligence.

Meanwhile, the International Energy Agency reported in its 2026 Global Critical Minerals Outlook that global investment in critical minerals actually declined by 9% in 2025, ending several years of growth. The same report noted that public financing commitments in advanced economies had reached approximately $65 billion, more than four times the 2023 level. Even so, this figure reflects commitments rather than actual disbursements, and it covers a broad range of critical mineral projects rather than just the processing and manufacturing capabilities I regard as the most important industrial bottlenecks.

The contrast is striking. Financial markets are prepared to finance a technological revolution whose ultimate commercial structure remains uncertain, but they remain reluctant to finance the industrial infrastructure needed to sustain the physical economy on which that revolution depends.

I am not suggesting that artificial intelligence is unimportant. I believe that it will become an increasingly valuable tool in scientific research, engineering, manufacturing, and business management. My concern is that we are once again confusing the creation of financial wealth with the creation of productive industrial capability.

I have spent more than sixty years working in, managing, researching, and observing industrial manufacturing and the technologies that support it. During that time, I have watched the United States transform from the world’s preeminent industrial manufacturing economy into one increasingly dependent on other nations’ industrial output. This transformation was not inevitable. It was the foreseeable consequence of decisions made by corporate management, investors, financial institutions, and governments. Those decisions were generally justified in the name of economic efficiency, but they too often measured efficiency by returns on financial capital rather than a nation’s long-term productive capacity.

What we now call the critical minerals crisis is, in my opinion, a symptom of a much larger problem: the financial abandonment of American industrial manufacturing.

The Extraordinary Difference Between Industrial Importance and Financial Attractiveness

The International Energy Agency has offered a particularly revealing comparison. In its 2026 study of rare earth supply chains, the agency estimated that developing diversified magnet rare earth supply chains outside the dominant supplier, China, would require about $60 billion in investment over the next decade. Nearly half of this investment would go to refining, while about one-third would go to magnet manufacturing.

Consider what this means. The estimated capital required over ten years to substantially diversify the world’s rare-earth magnet supply chain is less than one-tenth of the annual capital spending now being planned by the largest technology companies.

The comparison isn’t exact because the two figures reflect different industrial activities, geographies, and time periods. But the difference in scale is so enormous that it raises a question about our financial system’s priorities.

Why is it relatively easy to mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars to build data centers, yet so difficult to finance the chemical separation plants, metal production facilities, alloy plants, and magnet factories that underpin the manufacturing of essential electrical and electronic equipment?

The answer is not that the industrial importance of these facilities is uncertain. The IEA estimates that fully implementing China’s expanded rare earth export restrictions could jeopardize as much as $6.5 trillion in annual downstream production outside China. This estimates economic activity exposed to disruption, not a prediction that $6.5 trillion will actually be lost. Nevertheless, it illustrates the extraordinary economic leverage a relatively small number of critical materials and processing capabilities can exert.

We are discussing a potential vulnerability measured in trillions of dollars, whose mitigation may require investments measured in tens of billions.

This is an astonishing imbalance between an industrial capability’s economic importance and financial markets’ willingness to provide the capital needed to establish it.

A rare earth separation plant may be essential to producing thousands of manufactured products, yet it may never offer investors the financial returns expected from a successful artificial intelligence software company. Its value to the national economy may be enormous, while its profitability as an individual enterprise may be relatively modest.

This distinction between industrial importance and financial attractiveness is the central problem that American industrial policy has failed to resolve.

Artificial Intelligence Cannot Replace Industrial Production

Artificial intelligence is fundamentally an information-processing technology. Its economic value will ultimately depend on its ability to improve productivity, reduce costs, accelerate innovation, or create products and services customers will pay for. These are legitimate objectives, and some applications will undoubtedly become enormously valuable.

But artificial intelligence does not eliminate the physical requirements of industrial civilization.

A computer cannot manufacture an electric motor without copper, steel, insulation, and, in many applications, rare earth permanent magnets. It cannot produce a semiconductor without highly purified and precisely engineered materials. It cannot construct an electrical transmission system without conductors, transformers, and the industrial facilities required to manufacture them. It cannot build a factory without machinery, nor can it replace the chemical engineering, metallurgy, process development, and manufacturing experience required to produce materials consistently at commercial scale.

Artificial intelligence may help engineers design improved chemical separation systems. It may optimize an existing metallurgical plant’s operation. It may help identify process inefficiencies and accelerate materials research. But engineers must still demonstrate the resulting improvements in physical equipment, using actual feedstocks, under conditions that can be reproduced economically in commercial production.

The expansion of artificial intelligence may increase demand for many critical materials whose supply chains are already fragile. Data centers require enormous investments in electrical generation and distribution, cooling equipment, transformers, conductors, and electronic components. Advanced semiconductors require highly specialized materials and extraordinarily sophisticated manufacturing equipment. The physical infrastructure supporting artificial intelligence is not virtual. It is an industrial system.

It is therefore ironic that the United States is prepared to invest so heavily in artificial intelligence while remaining dependent on foreign industrial systems for much of the equipment and material inputs required to support it.

We should ask ourselves whether the United States is becoming a nation that designs the future but must purchase the materials and machinery needed to build it from someone else.

The Financialization of American Industry

The decline of American manufacturing did not begin with China’s emergence as an industrial superpower. It began when American corporate management increasingly treated manufacturing as a cost center rather than the nation’s fundamental source of economic strength.

Beginning in the latter part of the twentieth century, financial performance became the dominant measure of corporate success. Companies moved manufacturing overseas when it reduced costs and improved reported margins. Companies abandoned capital-intensive businesses for those promising higher returns on invested capital. Industrial research, process development, and training skilled manufacturing workers increasingly became expenditures to minimize rather than investments in future competitiveness.

The financial markets rewarded these decisions. A corporation that closed an American factory and purchased its output from a lower-cost foreign supplier could report improved profitability. Its shareholders benefited, at least in the short term. But the national economy lost not only the factory but also the accumulated knowledge, supplier relationships, technical workforce, and manufacturing experience that had made the factory possible.

These losses were cumulative. Once a manufacturing industry disappears, its supporting industries begin to disappear with it. Eventually, even if the final product can be designed domestically, the materials, components, production equipment, and qualified personnel needed to manufacture it may no longer be available.

This is precisely what has happened in important portions of the American critical materials supply chain.

China, meanwhile, followed a different course. For roughly a quarter of a century, and in some industries longer, it has pursued industrial policies designed to establish and maintain domestic capabilities across entire manufacturing supply chains. These policies have not always been economically efficient by Western financial standards. They have involved subsidies, excess capacity, financial losses, and considerable waste. But they have also produced something that the American financial system has consistently undervalued: industrial capability.

China did not establish its dominant position in rare earths simply by mining rare earth ores. It developed the chemical separation, metal production, alloy manufacturing, magnet fabrication, and downstream manufacturing capabilities required to convert those ores into industrial products. The resulting advantage is not merely one of access to natural resources. It is an advantage in the organization, integration, experience, and scale of industrial production.

You can’t overcome that advantage simply by discovering more mineral deposits or financing more mines.

The Critical Minerals Crisis Is Real. Much of the Investment Promotion Is Not.

This brings me to a question investors should ask more often. Is America’s critical minerals crisis a genuine threat to the national economy, or is it simply another temporary investment promotion amplified by Wall Street speculators seeking to profit from public anxiety?

My answer is that the industrial problem is entirely real, but much of the financial promotion surrounding it is speculative.

The International Energy Agency’s findings support the seriousness of the underlying problem. Its 2026 outlook reported that geographic concentration in critical mineral refining had increased, notwithstanding efforts to diversify production. It also found that investment outside the dominant producing countries remained disproportionately concentrated in mining rather than in refining and downstream manufacturing.

In the rare earth industry, the IEA projected that existing and announced diversified refining capacity would be only about two-thirds of expected mined supply by 2035, while planned magnet production would be only about one-third. These are projections based on announced projects, not guarantees of future production. But they demonstrate the same structural imbalance that I have been describing for years.

We are investing in the discovery and extraction of critical minerals without making corresponding investments in the industrial processes necessary to transform those minerals into useful materials.

A material can be critical to an industrial process, but a company claiming to possess a critical mineral resource is not automatically a good investment. The two propositions are not interchangeable.

A mineral deposit does not become a commercially useful source of a critical material merely because its owners announce that it contains elements appearing on a government critical minerals list. The deposit must be mined economically. Its valuable minerals must be recovered and concentrated. The concentrate must be chemically processed. The desired elements must be separated, purified, and converted into the chemical or metallic forms industrial customers require. Those products must meet specifications, be reproducible at commercial scale, and be offered at prices customers can afford.

And, most importantly, there must be customers.

I have repeatedly argued that critical materials supply chains should be designed backward from the requirements of original equipment manufacturers (OEMs). The final industrial customer determines what material is needed, in what form, at what purity, in what quantity, and at what price. Everything upstream must be organized to satisfy those requirements.

Wall Street frequently reverses this process. It begins with a mineral deposit, assigns an assumed future value to its contained elements, and builds a financial narrative that treats the resource’s existence as evidence of an inevitable commercial opportunity. Government concern about foreign dependence then becomes a convenient justification for attracting investment capital.

In too many cases, the result is not an industrial supply chain. Instead, it creates a publicly traded security.

Some companies are developing real industrial capabilities, and some will become essential participants in the reconstruction of American manufacturing. But distinguishing these companies from promotional ventures requires technical, commercial, and financial due diligence, not enthusiasm about the geopolitical importance of an element.

The crisis is real. The investment opportunities being advertised as solutions to it require individual examination.

Who Will Finance the Survival of an Essential Industrial Company?

The United States government has recognized the strategic danger of dependence on foreign critical materials. It has introduced financial support programs, direct investments, procurement commitments, and other mechanisms intended to encourage domestic production.

But recognition is not a solution.

Government support for a mine, a refinery, or a magnet factory does not automatically create an economically sustainable supply chain. Industrial manufacturing requires sustained demand, reliable feedstock, qualified production processes, skilled workers, and customers willing to pay prices that cover production costs.

If an American producer must compete with a foreign supplier whose costs are lower because of greater scale, accumulated technical experience, government support, or an established industrial ecosystem, the American producer may be unable to survive without some form of continuing assistance.

This raises an uncomfortable question. Who will finance an essential American industrial producer’s survival until its customers are prepared to pay enough to sustain it?

The answer cannot simply be that the government will provide another grant. Grants may finance construction, but they do not necessarily finance commercial survival. Nor can we assume that investors will indefinitely accept inadequate returns merely because a company’s products are strategically important.

The IEA’s $65 billion in public financing commitments shows that governments are increasingly prepared to intervene. But public commitments are not the same as money actually disbursed, and disbursed money is not the same as a commercially operating, qualified industrial facility.

I believe government policy should focus on establishing and maintaining specific industrial capabilities whose absence creates measurable economic or national security risks. When private investment falls short, carefully structured long-term procurement agreements, customer commitments, and other support may be necessary to bridge the gap between initial production and commercial sustainability.

But such support should be tied to demonstrated technical capability, achievable production milestones, customer qualification, and realistic operating economics. Government money should not suspend economic reality.

The objective must be to create functioning industrial enterprises, not to guarantee financial returns to their promoters.

The Real Difference Between AI Investment and Industrial Investment

The extraordinary flow of capital into artificial intelligence is not evidence that investors have become more willing to accept long-term industrial risks. It may demonstrate exactly the opposite.

AI investors anticipate enormous future markets, potentially high margins, and scalable returns. Software and intellectual property can sometimes be replicated and distributed at costs far below those required to reproduce a physical manufacturing facility. Although AI infrastructure is extremely capital-intensive, the industry’s financial expectations rest largely on the possibility of very large future revenues and profits.

Critical materials processing offers a different proposition. Chemical separation plants, metal production facilities, alloy plants, and other industrial operations require substantial capital investment, lengthy development periods, technical qualification, and continuous operational discipline. Markets often set their prices through industrial purchasing departments rather than consumer enthusiasm. Their margins may be modest, and customers often demand price reductions as production volumes rise.

These are precisely the kinds of businesses that financialization has made relatively unattractive in American industry.

The growing reliance on borrowed capital to finance artificial intelligence introduces another element of risk. Morgan Stanley’s projection of nearly $570 billion in AI-related debt issuance for 2026 illustrates credit markets’ willingness to finance anticipated future demand. More recently, reports of increased scrutiny of AI-related borrowing suggest lenders are beginning to question whether expected revenues will justify the capital already committed.

There is nothing inherently wrong with borrowing to finance productive investment. But debt must ultimately be serviced from cash flow, and an investment’s economic success cannot be established merely by the availability of borrowed money.

The contrast with critical materials is revealing. A separation plant with identified industrial customers, a proven process, and a measurable contribution to supply security may struggle to obtain financing because its projected financial returns are inadequate. An AI infrastructure venture may obtain financing based on expectations of future demand that have not yet been demonstrated.

The financial markets are not necessarily irrational in making these distinctions. Their responsibility is to evaluate risk and return for investors and lenders. But individual investors’ interests are not necessarily identical to the nation’s long-term economic interests.

A nation cannot assume that the industries most essential to its economic security will also offer the highest returns on capital.

Can America Become a Manufacturing Power Again?

I do not believe that the United States must become self-sufficient in every critical mineral, metal, or material. Such an objective would be economically unrealistic and, in many cases, unnecessary. International trade among reliable partners can provide supply security without requiring every nation to duplicate every industrial capability.

But a substantial difference exists between participating in an internationally diversified industrial supply chain and becoming dependent on a single foreign industrial system for materials essential to the functioning of the national economy.

The United States should seek to restore its ability to compete in manufacturing strategically and economically important products, whether for domestic consumption or export. Achieving this objective requires more than reopening mines. It requires rebuilding selected processing, refining, metalmaking, alloying, component manufacturing, and final assembly capabilities.

Another problem is too often overlooked. Even if America rebuilds its rare-earth magnet manufacturing industry, that achievement will not automatically restore domestic production of the motors, actuators, generators, electronic assemblies, and finished products that use those magnets. Much of that downstream manufacturing has also moved overseas.

A domestically manufactured magnet has limited value to reconstructing American manufacturing if the American factory that once used it no longer exists.

This is why I regard the critical minerals crisis as part of the larger problem of American deindustrialization. The ultimate objective is not to produce critical minerals for their own sake. It is to produce the materials and components a competitive manufacturing economy requires.

The United States still possesses extraordinary scientific, engineering, entrepreneurial, and financial resources. What it lacks is a coherent system for converting those resources into sustained industrial production in sectors where immediate financial returns may be inadequate.

Industrial experience is cumulative. Years of production, process improvement, failure analysis, and customer interaction develop the ability to operate a chemical separation plant, manufacture a high-performance alloy, or produce a qualified permanent magnet. You don’t acquire it by purchasing equipment and hiring consultants.

Rebuilding an industrial capability takes time and effort to develop the knowledge, infrastructure, and workforce that were allowed to disappear.

That is why I am skeptical of claims that America’s critical materials dependence can be resolved quickly, no matter how much money Washington makes available.

Is the Critical Minerals Crisis Fading, or Is Wall Street Simply Losing Interest?

Financial markets have short attention spans. A crisis becomes an investment theme; the investment theme attracts promoters; the promoters attract capital; and eventually another opportunity captures the market’s imagination.

Today, that opportunity is artificial intelligence.

The IEA’s reported decline in global critical minerals investment does not mean every critical mineral sector is contracting. For example, copper investment rose in 2025, while lithium and several battery-related sectors fell sharply. The industry is not homogeneous, and neither are its investment prospects.

Nevertheless, the overall decline in investment, combined with the continued concentration of processing capacity and the extraordinary scale of AI financing, raises a legitimate concern about capital allocation.

It would be a serious mistake to interpret declining investor enthusiasm for critical minerals as evidence that the underlying industrial problem has been solved. American manufacturers’ dependence on foreign supplies of critical processed materials does not disappear just because investors have found a more exciting sector.

Indeed, the expansion of artificial intelligence may intensify the problem by increasing demand for electrical equipment, energy infrastructure, specialized materials, and manufacturing capacity.

The artificial intelligence boom may also hit the industrial economy’s physical limits. Capital can buy equipment and materials only if someone can produce them. A shortage of industrial capability cannot always be solved by raising prices. New production facilities still require time, technical expertise, qualification, and access to their own upstream supply chains.

The laws of chemistry, metallurgy, and economics do not change because the financial markets have discovered a new technology.

The Question America Must Answer

I began by asking why our financial markets can mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars for artificial intelligence while struggling to finance industrial capabilities whose necessity has already been established.

I believe the answer is that our financial system has become extraordinarily effective at directing capital toward opportunities promising high financial returns, but it lacks an equally effective mechanism for directing capital toward industrial capabilities whose value to the national economy may far exceed their profitability as individual enterprises.

The critical minerals crisis is not fading. What may be fading is the financial market’s interest in solving it.

Speculation around critical minerals has certainly been real. Some companies have used legitimate national security concerns to promote projects with doubtful commercial prospects. Some investors have confused geological resources with industrial products, and some government programs have failed to distinguish technical capability from promotional ambition.

But none of this invalidates the underlying industrial problem.

The International Energy Agency’s estimate of $60 billion in required investment to diversify rare-earth magnet supply chains, compared with as much as $6.5 trillion in annual downstream production potentially exposed to Chinese export restrictions, provides a particularly powerful illustration of the economic stakes. The disparity does not mean that every proposed project deserves financing, or that $60 billion alone would eliminate every supply-chain vulnerability. It means the economic consequences of failing to develop essential industrial capabilities can far outweigh the cost of doing so.

The United States has created a financial system that rewarded abandoning manufacturing when it improved short-term returns. We now ask that same system to finance the restoration of manufacturing, even when the required investments promise lower returns, longer development periods, and greater operational risks than alternative uses of capital.

Why should we expect it to behave differently?

The fundamental question facing America is therefore not whether we can find enough critical minerals, or even whether we can raise enough capital to process them. The question is whether a nation whose financial system has rewarded abandoning manufacturing can rebuild a competitive industrial economy without first changing that system’s incentives.

I do not believe it can.

This does not mean that artificial intelligence should receive less investment simply because critical materials require more. It means private financial markets cannot solely determine America’s industrial future. If certain manufacturing capabilities are essential to economic and national security, public policy, industrial customers, and financial institutions must develop mechanisms to sustain them until they can operate competitively.

We must also acknowledge that some strategically essential capabilities may never produce the returns speculative financial markets demand. Their value may lie in the industrial activity they enable rather than the profits they generate directly.

Until we confront that distinction, the critical minerals crisis will remain unresolved, regardless of how many mines are announced, how many government grants are awarded, or how many speculative fortunes are created.

Artificial intelligence may become one of this century’s most important technological developments. It may also become one of the greatest speculative financial episodes in modern history. Those possibilities are not mutually exclusive.

But if artificial intelligence eventually enables America to design extraordinary new products that it must then ask other nations to manufacture, we will have achieved something remarkable indeed: the ability to imagine an industrial future that we no longer possess the industrial capacity to build.

A nation cannot remain an industrial superpower by financing product imagination while abandoning the capacity to manufacture them.

Follow where value is added.